A PDF of this article can be found here.

By Jason Ross · jasonross.LPAC@gmail.com

Abstract

Vladimir Vernadsky’s concept of the different phase spaces of abiotic processes, life, and cognition, serve to illustrate the errors of trying to build up the entire universe from abiotic processes, through the implicit rejection of the possible existence of uniquely biological or noetic principles. In his 1930 “The Study of Life and the New Physics,” Vernadsky directly addresses the hereditary errors in the Cosmos of Newton: that the concepts of space, time, energy, and matter are final, that they can be determined from purely abiotic experiments, and that there is a fundamental distinction between the studied universe and the minds that study it. Here, I will: (1) demonstrate several ways in which space, time, energy, and matter are not the same in the abiotic, the biological, and the cognitive domains, and do not have the same meanings as they had in 1900, (2) reveal the absurdities of applying the laws of thermodynamics to living and human systems, or to the universe as a whole, and (3) give specific applications of Vernadsky’s outlook to novel types of time, including absolutely unique aspects of human time, which shed light on what can truly be called “universal” principles.

Introduction

Humanity is unique among known physical and living processes: it has characteristics that differentiate it absolutely from lower domains, including an absolutely unique quality of time. Singular expressions of human time are brought into sharper relief by developing specific inabilities of lower forms of time to comprehend human activity, specifically the concepts of time embodied in the laws of thermodynamics, whose misapplication to domains outside their legitimate scope have resulted in such extrapolations as the “heat death of the universe” and a tendency of the universe towards “disorder.”

Problems arise when a term or concept developed in one context is applied in other contexts without reconsidering the term’s suitability, or its meaning. While this is particularly common when the terms have everyday meanings in addition to scientific ones (such as “action”), the laws of thermodynamics, particularly the second one, are inappropriately and recklessly applied in fields in which their application is in doubt until developed anew as a required principle in that field. A glaring error is in the explanation of the second law of thermodynamics as mandating a universal increase in “disorder” and then committing the outright fraud (or extreme laziness) of illustrating this for students through discussions of messy dorm rooms and disorderly desks. While “disorder” is a poor word to use even when discussing the physical concept of entropy in abiotic, micro-contexts, it has absolutely no meaning when applied to macro-scale objects.1Entropy, a measurable physical concept developed to explain the quantity of energy available to do useful work, was found to increase (or remain constant) in all processes of closed systems. This increasing entropy, which gives a time-direction for physical processes, has frequently been inaccurately described as representing an increase in the “disorder” of a system. This concept of disorder has been applied to domains far afield from physical chemistry. Many students learn of entropy through analogies of the increasing disorder of a desk or room, unless effort is made to tidy things up. But the objects on a desk do not move on their own or “tend” towards any new configuration of their own accord; they are moved by human beings.

Clear examples of concepts whose meanings change with the development of later insights are given by the Ukrainian-Russian biogeochemist Vladimir I. Vernadsky in his 1930 “The Study of Life and the New Physics,” in which he directs particular attention to the errors of the Newtonian conception of the Cosmos, in which the investigating mind is separated from the investigated world, and to the changing meanings of space, time, energy, and matter—four concepts which he points out have a different meaning to the scientist of 1929 than they had in 1900.

The development of new concepts, inexpressible in terms of the former language, is the most powerful expression of human creativity: an action which cannot be performed by logic or by any form of artificial intelligence. This uniquely human ability to create metaphors (concepts which can be expressed only through specific inabilities to express them in the previous language) is the basis of modern science, and is an increasingly powerful, and ultimately the most powerful, force of nature.

In this article, several failures of mis-applying concepts in inappropriate contexts (the laws of thermodynamics, and the arrow of time) are addressed in light of Vernadsky’s calls for biology and cognition to serve as bases for new developments in physics. This article will: (1) demonstrate several ways in which space, time, energy, and matter are not the same in the abiotic, the biological, and the cognitive domains, and do not have the same meanings as they had in 1900, (2) reveal the absurdities of applying the laws of thermodynamics to living and human systems, or to the universe as a whole, and (3) give specific applications of Vernadsky’s outlook to novel types of time, including absolutely unique aspects of human time, which shed light on what can truly be called “universal” principles.

Vernadsky’s Context

In his 1930 essay “The Study of Life and the New Physics,” Vladimir Vernadsky wrote: “Space, time, matter and energy are clearly distinguished for the naturalist of the year 1929, from the space, time, matter and energy of the naturalist of 1900.” With the work of Max Planck and Albert Einstein on the quantum world and on relativity, these four terms had indeed dramatically changed their meanings. Although the same words were used, the concepts behind them were incompatible with those laid down by Newton, who wrote that “absolute space, in its own nature, without regard to anything external, remains always similar and immovable,” and that “absolute, true and mathematical time, of itself, and from its own nature flows equably without regard to anything external.”

Under Einstein’s theory of relativity, space itself was no longer indifferent to objects in space, and no longer always similar to itself: instead, it scaled along directions of motion, and it curved gravitationally. Although the concept of location had not disappeared, changes arose in the distances between locations, and space now had a measure of curvature, rather than being flat.2 For more on “flat” versus “curved” space, see Bernhard Riemann: The Habilitation Dissertation.

Similarly, Einsteinian time is considerably at odds with Newtonian time. Rates of flow of time now varied with relative motions and with gravitational fields. The very notion of “moment” was shown to be different for different observers:to one observer two events might appear simultaneous, which, however, would not appear to be simultaneous to another observer. The notion of a particular moment in time now only had meaning with respect to a particular position in space. Space and time were no longer separable.

Matter and energy were considered distinct in 1900; separate conservation laws of matter and energy described all physical changes as maintaining the same amount of matter and the same quantity of energy, before and after the change. Yet, according to Einstein, these two concepts did not refer to wholly separate domains, but rather were related through the equation E=mc², which relates energy (E) to mass (m) times the speed of light (c), squared. This implies the possibility of mass vanishing, and becoming energy, or energy turning into matter. Work in the nuclear field demonstrated astonishing amounts of energy released from radioactive materials, along with a slight decrease in their mass, in accord with E=mc².

A discrete, rather than continuous nature of matter and energy were developed. In 1900, the concept of atoms had not achieved complete acceptance and physical concepts were considered as continuous. By 1930, the discrete, atomic nature of matter was almost universally accepted. Another violation of continuity was discovered by Max Planck, and further worked out by Einstein, in the quantum nature of light energy: light energy could exist only in multiples of a discrete quantity of energy proportional to the frequency of the light. The particle nature of light, which had been rejected for centuries in favor of the wave theory, returned, as the photons into which light was now discretely divided.3This did not eliminate the wave understanding of light: while some experimental contexts seemed to demand the particle nature of light, others (indeed, most) required that light act as a wave. For more on the birth of the quantum, and the errors of the Copenhagen Interpretation of quantum mechanics, see A New Quantum Physics: Rejecting Zeus.

Over the course of only three decades, these four basic concepts of physical science were radically transformed, by work on the domains of the very small and the very large. How might work on the domain of life further transform these basic concepts? Vernadsky asks: “Cannot the life sciences effectively change the fundamental representations of the scientific universe—the representations of space, time, energy, matter—in a radical way? And is this list of fundamental elements of our scientific thought complete?”4V. I. Vernadsky, “The Study of Life and the New Physics,” 1930, translation by Meghan Rouillard, 2015, in press.

A Brief History of Thermodynamics

Up to the First Law

Before the 1800s development of thermodynamics, heat, matter, and mechanical energy were considered quite differently. In the 1700s, heat was related to a substance known as phlogiston, which was considered to exist in bodies capable of being burned, during which process the phlogiston was released as the fiery heat. This also explained why ashes weighed less than the substances that were burned: they had lost their phlogiston. But the great chemist Antoine Lavoisier (1743–1794), demonstrated by careful measurement that when metals were burned (or rusted), the total mass increased, overturning the previous theory. Lavoisier introduced the concept of caloric, a “fluid” of heat, which flowed into bodies being heated.5Lavoisier also developed a powerful conservation principle: that in all chemical and mechanical changes, the total quantity of matter would not change, and that the total mass of each element, considered individually, would also not change. By this theory, caloric was a substance, and its total quantity was conserved as it flowed from hot bodies to cold ones, or was released from them chemically. In the early 1800s, Sadi Carnot studied the operation of heat engines (steam engines), and developed specific mathematical relationships between the flow of heat (as caloric) and the potential physical work accomplished, in order to gauge the potential power of such engines.

Heat and mechanical work later came to be understood under a common system of thought. In the 1840s, James Prescott Joule performed experiments in which the falling of a weight caused paddles to agitate and heat a reservoir of water; mechanical work was transformed into heat, meaning that caloric (if it were a real substance) was being created, and mechanical energy was disappearing. Joule unified heat and mechanical energy, by determining a mechanical equivalent of heat, relating the calorie (a measure of heat) to mechanical energy (measured today in joules).6Before the derivation of the mechanical equivalent of heat, the calorie—a measure of the heat required to change the temperature of a body—was considered as relating to a different domain of nature than the joule (or the foot-pound, used by Joule before the unit bearing his name existed)—which measured mechanical work. Joule determined that there was a direct measurable equivalence between quantities of heat energy and mechanical energy: a calorie is about 4 joules. The Calories in food (often written capitalized) are actually kilocalories, and are about 4 kilojoules each. The principle of the conservation of energy could now be expanded, in a rigorous way, from the domain of mechanical dynamics to the field of thermodynamics. Processes could involve a transformation between (mechanical) energy and heat flow, but never the creation or destruction of total thermodynamic energy.

Further research on the relationships between heat and mechanical work revealed that heat did not exist as a substance. Although a gas under certain conditions and at a certain temperature could be said to contain a certain quantity of energy, it could not be said to contain a definite quantity of heat, of caloric. This was demonstrated by considering different ways of changing a gas system from one state to another, which would result in varying amounts of work or heat-flow, depending on the means taken to go from one state to the other. Thus, one state of a gas could not be said to contain a specific excess of heat compared to another state. The caloric theory of heat faded, and heat was considered not as a substance which would flow between bodies, but only as a measure of flow. Heat flow could be measured, but heat content no longer existed as a scientific concept.

The results of this research were expressed in what are known as the laws of thermodynamics, which encompass both heat and mechanics (hence the name, thermodynamics). The first two laws will be considered separately.

The first law of thermodynamics states that the total quantity of energy in a closed system is conserved. The energy may exist, and be transformed, in various forms, such as mechanical work performed, mechanical and gravitational potential, chemical potential (the ability of a fuel to give off heat when burned), heat flow, and the state-energy of a gas under different volume, pressure, and temperature conditions. Among all such energies, transitions could be made, but no process would result in energy being created or lost.7This concept finds its origins in the work of Leibniz, who wrote of the connection between vis viva (living force—today’s kinetic energy) and vis mortua (dead force—today’s potential energy), as in his 1695 Specimen Dynamicum.

A specific possible efficiency of the transformation of heat-flow into mechanical work was developed, furthering Carnot’s work. Given two heat reservoirs of different temperatures, one hot (TH) and the other cold (TC), the maximum ratio of heat from the hot reservoir converted into work, rather than that lost in heating the colder reservoir, is (TH-TC)/TH, known today as the Carnot efficiency.8 For example, a combustion engine operating at a temperature of 1000K (730°C or 1340°F) as TH, in an environment of temperature 300K (30°C or 80°F) as TC, would have a maximum efficiency of (TH-TC)/TH or (1000K-300K)/1000K = 700K/1000K = 70%. Thus, at most 70% of the heat generated in the engine could be converted into mechanical work, while 30% would heat the colder surrounding environment. This is the maximum theoretical efficiency of an engine operating at these temperatures. Considered in the opposite direction, this relationship also gives the maximum possible efficiency of a refrigeration cycle, of the amount of work required to cause heat to flow from a colder reservoir to a hotter, as in moving heat from the interior of a refrigerator to the air of the kitchen. This maximal efficiency follows from general considerations of systems of gases, and the conservation of energy.9Note that it does not require entropy or the second law of thermodynamics, which will be addressed below. The transformation of heat into mechanical work, at the full Carnot efficiency, can be reversed by the application of mechanical work, in order to heat the hot reservoir, and bring the heat from the cold reservoir back to the hot one.

When the principles of mechanical physics and this law of thermodynamics are combined, it is possible to describe how a thermomechanical system will change. At each moment, given the state of the system and how it is currently changing, the state and nature of change it will take in the next moment can be determined, as can the state and nature of change it must have had in the preceding moment.10For example, knowing the position and speed of a swinging pendulum at one moment allows the determination of its later motion as well as its previous motion. For these principles, the past and the future are equivalent, differing by being in opposite directions according to time, but having no fundamental difference otherwise.11An ideal heat engine, reversed, is an ideal refrigerator. The transformation of heat into work, with some flow of heat into a cold reservoir, can be reversed by the application of work to add the heat back to the hot reservoir, moving heat from the cold reservoir to the hot one at the same time, in the process of refrigeration. Ideal heat engines and refrigerators are the same process, viewed in opposite directions of time. The future can be determined just as accurately as the past. In this way, past and future, forward and back in time, are analogous to left and right: they can be described as opposites, but there is no fundamental distinction between the two directions themselves.12This can help explain the difficulty children have in developing a sense of left and right. Max Planck writes, in his Treatise on Thermodynamics, “From the point of view of the first law, the initial and final states of any process are completely equivalent.” These physical principles can be said to be time-symmetrical, or reversible. Nothing in the phenomena described by physical dynamics or the first law of thermodynamics serves as a basis for intrinsically differentiating the past from the future, or before from after—there is nothing to define a particular direction of time.

The Second Law is Developed

Based on the common observations that heat was never seen to flow of its own accord from a cold object to a hotter one, that gases would tend to diffuse rather than to concentrate, and that friction, found in almost every process, gave rise to a definite direction in time by turning motion into heat, what is known as the second law of thermodynamics was developed in the mid- to late-1800s by Rudolf Clausius, Ludwig Boltzmann, Josiah Willard Gibbs, and Max Planck, among others.

“Entropy” is required to understand this second law. Clausius proposed entropy as a function of state of a gas, a new function of its mass, volume, temperature, and pressure, and noted that, in a closed system (without external work or heat-flow), this quantity was never found to decrease.13 For readers desiring a more specific treatment, the change in entropy can be briefly stated as ΔS = ∫dQ/T, where the change in entropy (S) is the integral of the heat absorbed (Q) divided by the temperature (T). In his Treatise on Thermodynamics, Planck derives a general function for the entropy of a gas: Φ = M(cv log T + R/m log v + constant), where Φ is the entropy, M the mass of the gas, cv the specific heat of the gas at constant volume (the amount of heat applied to change its temperature), T the temperature, R the ideal gas constant, m the molecular weight, and v the volume per mass of gas, from which he shows that the change in entropy would be ∫dQ/T under certain conditions. Entropy was a new physical concept, not derivable from earlier theories, whose increase accorded with the forward flowing of time. Note that while increasing entropy gives the direction of time, it does not define a rate of time. Interestingly, the dynamical laws of normal physics do give rates in time, without defining a direction in time. Entropy does not change if a gas is compressed or expanded by outside work, without the flow of heat, as in an ideal gas shock-absorber, making such a process reversible. Entropy can be roughly understood as measuring the amount of energy in a system unavailable to do work. Of the total energy in a system, the amount that was “free” to do work, would decrease over time. By use of this metric, it was now possible to define the direction of time: the entropy of a closed system can never be lower “after” than it was “before.” Rather than before and after simply being opposites, a specific concept, entropy, now defines an arrow of time.14 Note that while increasing entropy gives the direction of time, it does not define a rate of time. Interestingly, the dynamical laws of normal physics do give rates in time, without defining a direction in time.

Under the second law, reversible and irreversible processes are distinguished. Reversible processes involve no change in entropy. Examples include the swinging of a pendulum in a vacuum (without friction), the motion of a planet around a star, or the ideal compression and expansion of a gas shock-absorber.15Ideal, in the sense that the compression and expansion occurred very slowly, and the cylinder was so well insulated that no heat flowed to or from the surroundings. Reversible processes do not have an intrinsic time or a final state that they head towards: both a future state, and a past state, could be reached by the system without external work or heat. Irreversible processes, however, do involve a change in entropy, moving always towards higher entropy as time moves forward. Examples of irreversible processes are the creation of heat by friction, the expansion of a gas without doing work, or heat flowing from a hotter body to a cold one.16Two brief examples may be useful. First, let’s take two bodies at different temperatures, TH (hotter) and TC (colder), and let heat flow from the hot body to the colder one. Using ΔS = ∫dQ/T, we can say that the change in entropy of the hot body, as it loses heat, is -Q/TH, while the change for the colder body, gaining heat, is Q/TC. The quantity Q (heat flow) is the same for both bodies, since we assume that all heat flowing from the hot body went to the cold one. The total change in entropy is therefore ΔS = -Q/TH + Q/TC. Since TH is greater than TC, the negative term -Q/TH will be smaller than the positive term Q/TC, and the entropy has increased. As a second example, consider the expansion of gas without doing any work and without external heat flow. Take two gas tanks connected by a valve, one full of gas, and the other totally empty. If the valve is opened just a bit, gas will flow into the empty tank until both have the same pressure. Experiments revealed that the temperature of the gases would not change overall, and the energy of a gas had been shown to depend only on its temperature, not its pressure or volume. Therefore, this experiment results in no change in internal energy of the gas. But, if we use Planck’s entropy, Φ = M(cv log T + R/m log v + constant), before and after the motion of the gas, we see that the only term that has changed is v, the volume per mass of the gas, which has doubled from v to 2v. Therefore, ignoring the terms that have not changed, the change in entropy is ΔΦ = M(R/m log 2v) – M(R/m log v), which has a positive value. The entropy of the gas has increased with this expansion, and this is indeed the direction that the process is always observed to occur in. Gases expand to fill available volumes, rather than spontaneously concentrating. Since irreversible aspects are present in almost any process, the concept of a truly reversible process has a meaning which is mostly theoretical.

The atomic theory of matter made for a complication in the understanding of entropy, which was resolved through the use of statistics. On the micro-scale, the individual atoms and molecules making up gases were considered to behave according to dynamic (reversible) physical laws, and thus the difficulty arose of reconciling an increase in entropy (irreversibility) on the macro-scale, with the reversible nature of the particles which made up the macro-states. How could there be an intrinsic direction of time, if all the particles making up irreversible processes, could individually be time-reversed?17Consider, again, the example of gas concentrated in one tank being allowed to fill both tanks. If this entire process were then paused, and then played in reverse, and we watched it with an imaginary molecular microscope, the motion of the gas particles in reverse (concentrating in the one tank and emptying the other) would not violate any laws of physics. Yet, gas is never observed to do this. How can the direction of gas motion be explained by entropy in the large, while examination of its particles reveals a process that could go in the other direction? This was the sort of problem addressed by Boltzmann’s treatment of entropy.

Boltzmann developed statistical mechanics to explain entropy from another standpoint. Rather than being a function of the conditions of a gas as a whole, it could be understood as a function of the number of possible configurations a gas’s particles could take that would correspond to a given macro-state.18 While the second law is frequently expressed as an increase in “disorder,” with recourse to examples of the disorder of macro-scale objects which do not change on their own (such as messy rooms and disorderly desks), this is the mis-application of the everyday word “disorder” out of its meaningful context of micro-states (where it is still a regrettable word) to the totally different context of macro-states. As Professor Frank Lambert humorously points out, objects in a room do not inherently move or lurch towards disorder. They are not a closed system, since the cause of their motion is the people moving them, and does not lie in the objects themselves. See his excellent sites, available from secondlaw.oxy.edu, for more on the pedagogical disaster of using “disorder” to explain entropy. For example, the number of ways for gas particles to exist in two connected gas tanks, is immensely greater than their all being in only one tank, explaining the greater entropy of this distribution. The existence of so many more ways for the gas to be in both tanks explained its expansion to fill both. With these refinements, the disparity between reversible micro-phenomena and irreversible macro-phenomena was bridged.19 Return to the example of footnotes 16 and 17. If the motion of all the gas particles were instantly reversed once they filled the second tank, they would indeed all move back into the first tank. But among all the ways of starting with the general state of two tanks full of gas, how many among the possible configurations of particle positions and momenta in the two tanks would result in all the particles moving into one tank? Only an exceedingly, incredibly tiny number among the impossibly enormous number of potential configurations. This is why, statistical mechanists would say, we do not observe gases to spontaneously concentrate into smaller volumes. Although it is not strictly impossible from the molecular standpoint, it is incredibly unlikely.

The laws of thermodynamics, combined with all the other laws of mechanical physics, unify heat and mechanics, and provide an arrow of time. While the physics of reversible processes have before and after only as opposites, the physics of irreversible processes give a definite direction in time for the evolution of the systems they apply to. The second law gives an intrinsic metric to differentiate before from after.

The First Law of Thermodynamics is Not Universal

The first law of thermodynamics states that in all physical processes, energy is neither created nor destroyed. While Einstein’s demonstration of the interrelationship of matter and energy shows this principle to be untrue, because energy and mass can be interconverted (as in nuclear processes), the changing nature of “energy” will be the focus here, in two respects: (1) that energy is actually created by human beings, and (2) in a case of re-contextualized meanings, economic “energy” is distinct from the energy of the physics, as seen when we consider energy flux density.

In the 1800s, as the laws of thermodynamics were developed, any attempt to measure the total energy of the planet would have erred dramatically. Such an estimate would have included such factors as: sunlight, chemical compounds (such as that in living matter, and in hydrocarbons in the crust), elevations of physical structures (gravitational potential), and the flow of wind and water. While making such an estimate of the total energy available on the planet as a whole would be quite difficult, this is not the greatest problem with undertaking such an endeavor. Rather, consider what would not have been included at all. Such a survey in the 1800s would not have included the nuclear fission energy potential of the planet’s uranium and thorium, or the fusion potential of its deuterium. The estimate of global energy would have been wildly off, not only for reasons of lack of knowledge of the composition of the body of the Earth, but because the domain of possible sources of energy was incomplete: nuclear processes were unknown.

Did the human species increase the amount of energy on Earth, or only discover already-existing energy? Resisting the urge to answer the question in physical terms which would exclude a specifically human response, the honest answer can be given: we have increased the energy available to the human species: we have increased our economic potential. A useful distinction can be made between the two natures of “energy”: it both refers to something we have discovered about the external physical world, and at the same time refers to a mental tool that we use to advance our thought and power. Human beings create resources, including energy.20Before metallurgy, malachite was used as a cosmetic, but became the main ore for producing copper when it became a resource for the new process of metallurgy. Petroleum was not a resource before the chemical era—it was a mess.

Another example illustrates the importance of considering the quality of energy. Rather than only the quantity of energy, consider the energy flux density, the concentration of the power applied to a process. This example is that of heating a home. We will consider two ways of providing the heat. The first is the direct creation of heat in the home by burning fuel (oil or natural gas), and the second is using fuel to produce electricity in a power plant, and then using that electricity to power a heat pump. In the first case, the efficiency of the furnace or boiler would be measured by the annual fuel utilization efficiency (AFUE)21U.S. Department of Energy, http://energy.gov/articles/energy-saver-101-infographic-home-heating, which is around 85% for a typical modern unit. This means that 85% of the heat in the fuel is delivered to the home.

Now, consider the case of using the natural gas to produce electricity, to then run a heat pump. A typical natural gas power plant converts only about 42% of the gas’s heat into electricity.22Energy Information Administration. http://www.eia.gov/electricity/annual/html/epa_08_01.html Yet, the electricity, being a higher quality, more dense form of power than mere heat, is able to accomplish much more than heat can: running motors, powering electronics, producing metals, etc. And even in heating a home, electricity is more efficient than heat itself.23Excepting very cold areas where heat pumps efficiencies are too low to be useful. By using a heat pump, which moves (“pumps”) heat into the home from the outdoor air, electricity from the power plant is multiplied by a coefficient of performance (COP) for the heat pump, a measure of the heat supplied to the home as a ratio of the energy supplied to the pump. For common heat pumps, the COP is in the range of 2–4, meaning that several times more heat are brought into the house, than the energy used for the pumping. Multiplying the electricity conversion rate (42%) by the COP, gives a value of 84–168%. This means that the home has received heat equal to 84–168% of the heat energy in the natural gas fuel. Recall that directly burning the natural gas in a home furnace would have provided 85% of the gas’s heat to the home.

Therefore, converting natural gas to electricity and using a heat pump powered by that electricity can provide up to roughly twice the home heating provided by the direct use of natural gas (168% compared to 85%). And this is a case where the effects are comparable: supplying heat. Without transforming natural gas to electricity, it cannot be used it to power a telephone, a robot in a factory, or a traffic light system. No amount of natural gas can produce an x-ray image of a broken bone.

This is a simple example of what Lyndon LaRouche refers to as a “curious feature” of technological development in his economics textbook So, You Wish to Learn All About Economics?, whereby

“we tend to accomplish much higher rates of work with the higher energy-flux density of a fraction of the total power supplied to the machine, than with the entire power supplied at relatively much lower energy-flux density. It appears that less power accomplishes more work than a greater amount of power.”24Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., So, You Wish to Learn All About Economics?, second edition, EIR News Service, 1995, p. 10.

The “energy” of electricity can be measured in the same physical units as the “energy” of heat, or the chemical “energy” of molecular structure, but these units do not fully express the economic usefulness of that energy. By considering the intensity of the energy, we can differentiate among levels of energy potential, such as the possibilities of: (a) a wood-powered economy, in which energy can be used for heating, cooking, some material treatments, and some metallurgy, (b) a coal-powered economy, in which steam engines can economically be used to transform heat into motion, allowing dramatic changes in production and transportation, (c) an electricity-using economy, where energy can be moved along a wire rather than by transporting fuel, and where the potentials for production are increased by motors, metallurgy is transformed by electrolysis, communication changes fundamentally, and computer automation transforms the nature of productive work, to (d) a quantum-physics and nuclear economy of dramatically increased power capabilities,25The power of nuclear changes is five to six orders of magnitude more dense (100,000 to 1,000,000 times greater) than chemical fuel. See Jason Ross, Forging Fusion. laser and electron-beam technologies, and, with fusion, the potential to develop control over the inner solar system.26 As in the use of fusion-powered spacecraft to reach any part of the inner solar system within a matter of weeks, rather than years. This is a necessity for planetary defense against asteroids and comets, for example.,27For more on this series of economic platforms, see Physical Chemistry: The Continuing Gifts of Prometheus.

While the first law of thermodynamics does apply on the physical level, where energy is neither created nor destroyed (excepting subatomic processes, where energy and matter are related by E=mc²), the “economic energy” available to human economy, as qualified by the type of energy, most certainly does increase, by the human process of creative discovery. This occurs even when less total energy is recovered from fuel sources, by using that more concentrated power to greater effect.

Wild Misapplications of the Second Law

The meaning of the second law of thermodynamics has been greatly simplified and the field of its application dramatically extended, giving it an entirely foreign pop-science meaning. The two major misapplications are in the concept of the “heat death of the universe,” and in the notion that the second law indicates a universal increase of “disorder.”

It was William Thompson (later Lord Kelvin) who is credited with first expounding on the inevitable dissipation of all potential energy into mechanical motion and heat, with a result that “would inevitably be a state of universal rest and death, if the universe were finite and left to obey existing laws.” His colleague Hermann von Helmholtz wrote of the “heat death” of the universe as the ultimate state it would reach, in which no more energy would be available for any processes to make use of. This is the ultimate extrapolation: to apply current knowledge (which at the time, did not include nuclear processes28Resulting in Thompson’s inaccurate estimate of the age of the Sun.) to the entire universe, about which it will always be presumptuous to assume anything approaching a complete understanding.

The other problem plaguing the second law, disturbing its repose as a legitimate and useful physical principle (in its proper domain), is the notion that it insists that the universe will become more “disorderly” over time. Although Boltzmann did indeed use the word “disorder”29Or rather, the German word Unordnung. in his discussion of entropy, it was in the context of expressing a characteristic of aggregates of gas molecules, of the number of states in which the gas particles could be said to be within a certain range of a given macro-scale condition, such as temperature, pressure, and volume. For example, a higher state of temperature allowing a greater diversity of particle motions, was thus a state of higher entropy. This use of the word “disorder” applies to aggregates of microscopic particles, moving about and interacting of their own accord. It manifestly does not apply to objects on a desk, dirty clothing heaped on the floor, etc. Clothes do not move around in large groups, colliding with each other and imparting kinetic energy according to statistical rules. The books in a library do not unshelve themselves and become disorderly at night while the librarians are not supervising them. These objects move due to outside causes: people. They do not spontaneously move of their own accord towards states characterized by a greater diversity of possible distributions.

There is no universal commandment that “disorder,” in whatever context anyone might wish to apply the word, increases. The second law of thermodynamics, is, as its appellation indicates, a law of thermodynamics: not of biology, society, or clothing.

The Second Law of Thermodynamics is Not Universal

Beyond these wildly and foolishly irresponsible extrapolations of logic and linguistics, processes of life and human cognition provide further examples of the second law not being universal in scope. Although the second law cannot actually be applied to macro-scale processes to which it has no relevance, the prevalence of thoughts about universal “entropy” makes it worthwhile to address order and complexity on larger scales, with the caveat that this discussion is of the commonly used notions of entropy and disorder, rather than the actual physical concept.

A powerful economic concept helps make this clear—the concept of the necessity of progress. In his economics textbook,30 See chapter 2 of LaRouche’s So, You Wish to Learn All About Economics? Lyndon LaRouche develops a global measure of economic progress: the potential relative population density of a society, as a function of that society’s scientific and cultural practice. Relative to the quality of improvement of land, how many people could potentially be supported per land-area? This is the potential relative population density (PRPD). Economic value lies in increasing the rate of increase of PRPD. LaRouche writes that while it is obvious that technological regression necessarily implies a decrease in PRPD, the implications of simply ceasing to progress are less clear. By the drawdown of more concentrated resources (energetic, and raw material, for example), LaRouche reasons that the physical cost of providing the base resources will necessarily increase over time in a technologically static society (through the necessity of more difficult mining, etc.), and this increasing cost will lead to a reduction of economic capabilities overall. Without continued technological increase, society will regress; it is impossible to stay still.

From this context, the increasing entropy, and decreasing free thermodynamic energy of physical systems, can be thought of as analogous to the relative, local regression of a system characterized, more universally, by its discontinuous advancements. Clear examples are seen in the very similar domains of life on evolutionary scales of time, and of human economics.

Consider the development of photosynthesis. Before the development of life capable of using the energy of sunlight, terrestrial life depended on chemical energy, such as that utilized by organisms living around deep-sea vents emitting high-energy molecules such as hydrogen sulfide. The total energy available to life was small, and was generated from deep-earth processes. From the thermodynamic standpoint, the energy potential of these molecules (and the processes generating them) would eventually be used up as the gases escaped the Earth’s crust, and the Earth’s cooling temperature produced less of them. While a modern-day environmentalist may have called for the conservation of scarce hydrogen sulfide, and for measures to be taken for its more efficient use, a different route was taken by life. The development of photosynthesis meant that an entirely new, and immensely vast energy source now became available to life, capable of supporting a great deal more biological material and energy flow, and an increase in the biogeochemical energy of living matter. Later, the move of life to land, and the new structures and processes required for it, unlocked an increasing photosynthetic capability.

While the local tendency may appear to be towards decreasing free energy when examining small physical systems, the characteristic of life as a whole, and of human society, is in precisely the opposite direction. Or rather, not precisely opposite, in that the upward shifts occur as leaps, rather than the continuous decrease of free energy expressed by the second law of thermodynamics. An anthropomorphized system of hot gas may look with dismay and dread at the locally decreasing free energy, but life and cognition are not universally characterized in this way.

Vernadsky demonstrates that the biogeochemical energy of life has increased over time. In a 1926 speech on evolution, Vernadsky developed what he called his “second biogeochemical principle,” which states that the evolution of species has an intrinsic direction, moving towards species which increase their chemical and energetic effect on the surrounding environment (in Vernadsky’s terms, increasing the biogenic migration of atoms). More recent studies strongly support Vernadsky’s second principle, indicating that the evolution of life (as far as currently observed) defines an arrow of time, always moving in one direction: towards greater energy use per species and greater corresponding effects on the biosphere.31See “Biospheric Energy-Flux Density,” 21st Century Science and Technology, Spring 2013. Also, Benjamin Deniston, “Towards Demonstrating Vernadsky’s Second Biogeochemical Principle: The Implications of Metabolic Scaling Laws for Vernadsky’s Views on Evolution and the Spacetime of Living Matter,” forthcoming.

Looking at a larger (cosmic) scale, we see the irrelevance of physical entropy in understanding the development of the universe. As an example, consider the big bang theory, according to which the lowest-entropy, highest free-energy state the universe was ever in, occured some billions of years ago, and everything has gone downhill since, from a thermodynamic point of view. Again, any increase in this physical quantity of entropy is absolutely irrelevant to cosmology when considering the manifest increase in order and complexity: the development of galaxies, stars, planets, and, around our star, Sol, life and cognition. Perhaps a galaxy does have higher entropy than a collection of cosmic dust or the subatomic soup supposedly existing within the first microseconds after the big bang, but this does not in any way indicate that it has more disorder, or is less interesting in its characteristics.

A human being, turning food into bodily motion and biological upkeep, is thermodynamically a drain on free-energy,32 Throughout this report, the use of “free-energy” is in the thermodynamic sense, as developed by Gibbs. It has no relation to “zero-point energy,” “vacuum energy”, or any other form of purported energy which is “free” in the sense of having no cost. and yet is the source of creative developments that qualitatively increase the mental tools and the useful energy available to the species: human free-energy increases, without paying any regard to locally decreasing thermodynamic free-energy.

Even the statistical mechanics interpretation of entropy, according to which the increasing entropy is measured as an evolution towards states of greater likelihood, of greater means of possibility, is opposite to the changes seen in life and humanity. Far from moving towards states of greater probability, evolutionary changes in life, and economic changes in humanity, move to states of zero probability, of previous impossibility. A future comes to be, which the physical past could not have created. Bronze Age humanity had available to it an entire array of processes and materials that simply did not exist in the Stone Age, just as mammals have molecules and biological processes that never existed in earlier life, such as reptiles, and which could not, because earlier life did not regulate its temperature.

In sum, we need not lose sleep about a physical quantity—entropy—getting larger, fretting that the future will be a disorderly heat-soup; rather we can instead look at the actual development over time of the universe and of our species, and see that they are characterized by contrary processes. Our understanding of the universe must include these phenomena of life and cognition, or it is appallingly incomplete. Increasing complexity, increasing biological energy, and increasing economic energy may be coherent, locally, with the second law of thermodynamics, but are certainly not explained by it. The second law of thermodynamics is not universal.

Reflections on Time

Comprehension of the characteristics of time in thermodynamics and physics gives a greater pungency to the different kinds of time seen in the biosphere and noosphere. To review: Dynamical laws of physics, with the first law of thermodynamics, govern reversible processes, for which before and after are opposite directions in time, but lack any inherent difference. The irreversible processes covered by the second law of thermodynamics have a direction in time, an inherent distinction between before and after, based on the concept of physical entropy increasing in the direction of the flow of time.

Two prominent differences seen in the times of life and of human thought are their quantized character, and dependence on context. The quantized, discrete nature of these times is seen in the development of new “technologies,” such that before and after are distinguished not by a scalar quantity increasing in the direction of time-flow, but by the fact that after cannot be reached from before. That is, humanity in the nuclear age creates states of matter which could never have been created in earlier ages of human development, because the requisite technologies did not exist.33Time, alone, did not bring about the future state. The time of human development is characterized by increasing our dimensions of action, rather than any (scalar) measure which has a meaningful value in all contexts.34Lyndon LaRouche has referred to the work of Bernhard Riemann on Abelian functions, as a means of more directly expressing increasing levels of complexity, incommensurable with the previous level. On this topic, see Jason Ross, Bernhard Riemann: Potential and Abelian Functions, part 1 and part 2.

The existence of uniquely biological time is revealed by study of characteristic metabolic rates for classes of animals over evolutionary time. Joint examination of metabolic rates and times for biological periods (such as time of population doubling, or heart rate) reveals characteristic specific metabolic rates for classes of animals. For example, reptiles have an average energy use per gram per lifespan of approximately 230 kJ/g/lifespan. For amphibians it is less, 210 kJ/g/lifespan, while for mammals it is 1,600 kJ/g/lifespan, and for birds, 5,280 kJ/g/lifespan.35Benjamin Deniston, “Towards Demonstrating Vernadsky’s Second Biogeochemical Principle.” The increasing values, roughly characteristic of each of these classes of vertebrate life, point to the increasing rate of biogenic energy flow over evolutionary time, and, even more significantly, point to an inherently biological unit of time. These class-specific metabolic rates arise only when the unit of time considered is unique to each species: its average lifespan. Thus, a meaningful empirical generalization is arrived at—a class-wide specific metabolic rate—through the use of a specifically biological unit of time, one related to a biological process (the time of generations), rather than a physical process, and which exists only in the context of the form of life being considered. This is an example of the development of the concept of time, due to the study of life, exactly as Vernadsky called for, and foresaw.36Within life, Vernadsky differentiated metabolic time, generational time, and evolutionary time, and considered the characteristics specific to each, “The Problem of Time in Contemporary Science”, unpublished translation.

Human Time

An entirely new characteristic of time exists when considering the process of human cognition: the characteristic of now. Recall that: the first law of thermodynamics distinguishes before and after only as opposites; the second law of thermodynamics gives an inherent direction to time; living processes give a quantized nature of time (as in the cyclic nature of generational time); and evolutionary changes in life give an incommensurable direction of time, where after is distinguished from before by the existence of processes that could not have existed before. While the meanings of before and after have developed, none of these kinds of time has yet required a now.

Now is a particular kind of moment, distinguished from a then. While thens exist in physics, and can be distinguished from each other, now does not exist; it is not a concept required by phenomena. Now is not the moment between before and after; it is the moment between the past and the future. The laws of thermodynamics give a distinction between before and after, but these befores and afters can be before or after any particular moment, any then. Before and after are not the same as past and future. When is “right now”, physically? What differentiates, fundamentally, now from an hour ago?

Furthermore, under Einstein’s relativity, the concept of a universal time, of the possibility of a shared moment in time for different observers, has vanished with the disappearance of simultaneity. Recall that one event may appear to follow another to one observer, while both events could appear simultaneous to another observer.37This is demonstrated in The Extraordinary Genius of Albert Einstein, starting at 1:04:30. Therefore, a single moment in time, a universal simultaneity, cannot exist. There can be no universal “now”. In what way, then, can now have meaning? What sort of phenomenon requires the existence of a “now”?

It is by the nature of free will that human beings have a now, the time of decision. The opportunity to willfully create incommensurable shifts like those seen in life only over evolutionary time, is present at every moment to the human individual: the opportunity in each now to make choices that are not pre-determined, and which, when creative, are choices which distinguish the future fundamentally from the past, by increasing the possible domain of human action. These nows of discovery, these moments of creative insight, are the reason for the existence of economy as a characteristic of the human species, not seen in other life.

The direction of humanity does not inexorably “tend” in any direction; it is a series of nows, of constant opportunities for decision. When human time is used to make a fundamental discovery, the truest substance of the universe is made visible to the human mind: the substance of incommensurable change itself.

What are “Universal” Principles?

If extending principles beyond the domains of their discovery is fraught with danger, can any truly universal principles ever be known? Consider this warning from Vernadsky:

“In one case, in 1824 the young French engineer Sadi Carnot founded thermodynamics. Carnot’s principle defines the unidirectional course of a process in time. Thirty years later, Rudolph Julius Clausius, then a professor at Zürich, in the principle of entropy, generalized this unidirectional process (which is expressed geometrically in space-time by a polar vector of time) to all of reality, as defining the “end of the world.” In this form, this was an extrapolation of a logical thought, but not a phenomenon of reality.”38Vernadsky, “The Problem of Time in Contemporary Science”, unpublished translation.

If universal “phenomena of reality” exist, how can they be sought? What could be the basis of potentially valid insight into universal principles, if extrapolations from scientific principles cannot be counted on? What can we say about the universe, if our knowledge is always incomplete?

Nicolaus of Cusa, in his work De Docta Ignorantia (On Learned Ignorance), which inspired Johannes Kepler and made modern science possible, begins by setting his eyes on what he saw as the most universal of universals, God, and then goes on to discuss the universe in the context of his insight on the Creator. The central concept of knowledge employed by Cusa, that of educated ignorance, informed by a coincidence of opposites, does not use small parts or small ideas to build up to great ones, but details the specific way that a lack of knowledge is itself an appropriate means to express new concepts. For example, Cusa states that God is that maximum to which nothing is opposed, including the minimum, and that He is the light which is not opposite of darkness.39Nicolaus of Cusa, De Docta Ignorantia, translation by Jasper Hopkins, Book I. These are contradictions, specific unspeakables, to lead the reader towards an incomprehensible concept, by making the incomprehensibility more specific.

Cusa then takes up the universe, again communicating his thoughts in the form of impossibilities arising from attempts at understanding which are below the level required for comprehension. He reasons that that which is less than truth cannot measure truth precisely, and applies this insight to astronomy. Cusa maintains that no planet can move in a circle, as a perfect circle, embodying absolute perfection, cannot exist in the created world, and could not be a cause of motion.40De Docta Ignorantia, Book II. Similarly, perfectly uniform (circular) motion was impossible: how could two motions be so equal, as not to be capable of still greater equality? Thus, both circles and uniform motion were rejected as true means of understanding the planets. What remained? Nothing, in the language Cusa sought to surpass. His follower, Johannes Kepler, applied physics to astronomy, providing an affirmative higher level of thought that resolved the impossibility of understanding astronomy geometrically, as brought forth by Cusa. Kepler’s use of physics, of a physical principle whose application varied in every moment, shocked his contemporaries, laid an entirely new basis for astronomy, and opened the path to modern science.

A general conclusion can be drawn from this astronomical example. Contrary to Aristotle’s view that opposites could not co-exist, or the logician’s view that all conclusions exist inherently in the original premises, Cusa maintained the primacy of the process of discovery itself, whereby contradictions drive the mind to hypothesize a new concept, not derivable from the past—a conclusion that defies the premises, rather than following from them. Cusa held that it was through this process, of knowing through specific ignorance, that one could come the closest to seeing God. Resolving paradoxes through developing new metaphors for understanding is more than a technique for arriving at physical truths: this process is the truest substance of nature.41 Jason Ross, Metaphor: an Intermezzo.

Every human being is born with the potential to apply this process of discovery: to exist in the efficient immortality of discovering principles and applying them for the betterment of society, where betterment is seen in increasing the capability of fellow people to participate in this most characteristically human of behaviors.
The creation of such a society, free from the oligarchism that currently threatens global thermonuclear warfare, is the most beautiful, the most human, and the most urgently pressing task facing mankind today.

Video of 2fMACjq5D7k
Recorded on March 22, 2015, these are the opening remarks by Jason Ross on aspects of time unique to biology and mankind, from the standpoint of Vladimir Vernadsky and Lyndon LaRouche. With a particular focus on why the laws of thermodynamics do not apply to humanity.

A PDF of this article can be found here.

By Jason Ross · jasonross.LPAC@gmail.com

Abstract

Vladimir Vernadsky’s concept of the different phase spaces of abiotic processes, life, and cognition, serve to illustrate the errors of trying to build up the entire universe from abiotic processes, through the implicit rejection of the possible existence of uniquely biological or noetic principles. In his 1930 “The Study of Life and the New Physics,” Vernadsky directly addresses the hereditary errors in the Cosmos of Newton: that the concepts of space, time, energy, and matter are final, that they can be determined from purely abiotic experiments, and that there is a fundamental distinction between the studied universe and the minds that study it. Here, I will: (1) demonstrate several ways in which space, time, energy, and matter are not the same in the abiotic, the biological, and the cognitive domains, and do not have the same meanings as they had in 1900, (2) reveal the absurdities of applying the laws of thermodynamics to living and human systems, or to the universe as a whole, and (3) give specific applications of Vernadsky’s outlook to novel types of time, including absolutely unique aspects of human time, which shed light on what can truly be called “universal” principles.

Introduction

Humanity is unique among known physical and living processes: it has characteristics that differentiate it absolutely from lower domains, including an absolutely unique quality of time. Singular expressions of human time are brought into sharper relief by developing specific inabilities of lower forms of time to comprehend human activity, specifically the concepts of time embodied in the laws of thermodynamics, whose misapplication to domains outside their legitimate scope have resulted in such extrapolations as the “heat death of the universe” and a tendency of the universe towards “disorder.”

Problems arise when a term or concept developed in one context is applied in other contexts without reconsidering the term’s suitability, or its meaning. While this is particularly common when the terms have everyday meanings in addition to scientific ones (such as “action”), the laws of thermodynamics, particularly the second one, are inappropriately and recklessly applied in fields in which their application is in doubt until developed anew as a required principle in that field. A glaring error is in the explanation of the second law of thermodynamics as mandating a universal increase in “disorder” and then committing the outright fraud (or extreme laziness) of illustrating this for students through discussions of messy dorm rooms and disorderly desks. While “disorder” is a poor word to use even when discussing the physical concept of entropy in abiotic, micro-contexts, it has absolutely no meaning when applied to macro-scale objects.1Entropy, a measurable physical concept developed to explain the quantity of energy available to do useful work, was found to increase (or remain constant) in all processes of closed systems. This increasing entropy, which gives a time-direction for physical processes, has frequently been inaccurately described as representing an increase in the “disorder” of a system. This concept of disorder has been applied to domains far afield from physical chemistry. Many students learn of entropy through analogies of the increasing disorder of a desk or room, unless effort is made to tidy things up. But the objects on a desk do not move on their own or “tend” towards any new configuration of their own accord; they are moved by human beings.

Clear examples of concepts whose meanings change with the development of later insights are given by the Ukrainian-Russian biogeochemist Vladimir I. Vernadsky in his 1930 “The Study of Life and the New Physics,” in which he directs particular attention to the errors of the Newtonian conception of the Cosmos, in which the investigating mind is separated from the investigated world, and to the changing meanings of space, time, energy, and matter—four concepts which he points out have a different meaning to the scientist of 1929 than they had in 1900.

The development of new concepts, inexpressible in terms of the former language, is the most powerful expression of human creativity: an action which cannot be performed by logic or by any form of artificial intelligence. This uniquely human ability to create metaphors (concepts which can be expressed only through specific inabilities to express them in the previous language) is the basis of modern science, and is an increasingly powerful, and ultimately the most powerful, force of nature.

In this article, several failures of mis-applying concepts in inappropriate contexts (the laws of thermodynamics, and the arrow of time) are addressed in light of Vernadsky’s calls for biology and cognition to serve as bases for new developments in physics. This article will: (1) demonstrate several ways in which space, time, energy, and matter are not the same in the abiotic, the biological, and the cognitive domains, and do not have the same meanings as they had in 1900, (2) reveal the absurdities of applying the laws of thermodynamics to living and human systems, or to the universe as a whole, and (3) give specific applications of Vernadsky’s outlook to novel types of time, including absolutely unique aspects of human time, which shed light on what can truly be called “universal” principles.

Vernadsky’s Context

In his 1930 essay “The Study of Life and the New Physics,” Vladimir Vernadsky wrote: “Space, time, matter and energy are clearly distinguished for the naturalist of the year 1929, from the space, time, matter and energy of the naturalist of 1900.” With the work of Max Planck and Albert Einstein on the quantum world and on relativity, these four terms had indeed dramatically changed their meanings. Although the same words were used, the concepts behind them were incompatible with those laid down by Newton, who wrote that “absolute space, in its own nature, without regard to anything external, remains always similar and immovable,” and that “absolute, true and mathematical time, of itself, and from its own nature flows equably without regard to anything external.”

Under Einstein’s theory of relativity, space itself was no longer indifferent to objects in space, and no longer always similar to itself: instead, it scaled along directions of motion, and it curved gravitationally. Although the concept of location had not disappeared, changes arose in the distances between locations, and space now had a measure of curvature, rather than being flat.2 For more on “flat” versus “curved” space, see Bernhard Riemann: The Habilitation Dissertation.

Similarly, Einsteinian time is considerably at odds with Newtonian time. Rates of flow of time now varied with relative motions and with gravitational fields. The very notion of “moment” was shown to be different for different observers:to one observer two events might appear simultaneous, which, however, would not appear to be simultaneous to another observer. The notion of a particular moment in time now only had meaning with respect to a particular position in space. Space and time were no longer separable.

Matter and energy were considered distinct in 1900; separate conservation laws of matter and energy described all physical changes as maintaining the same amount of matter and the same quantity of energy, before and after the change. Yet, according to Einstein, these two concepts did not refer to wholly separate domains, but rather were related through the equation E=mc², which relates energy (E) to mass (m) times the speed of light (c), squared. This implies the possibility of mass vanishing, and becoming energy, or energy turning into matter. Work in the nuclear field demonstrated astonishing amounts of energy released from radioactive materials, along with a slight decrease in their mass, in accord with E=mc².

A discrete, rather than continuous nature of matter and energy were developed. In 1900, the concept of atoms had not achieved complete acceptance and physical concepts were considered as continuous. By 1930, the discrete, atomic nature of matter was almost universally accepted. Another violation of continuity was discovered by Max Planck, and further worked out by Einstein, in the quantum nature of light energy: light energy could exist only in multiples of a discrete quantity of energy proportional to the frequency of the light. The particle nature of light, which had been rejected for centuries in favor of the wave theory, returned, as the photons into which light was now discretely divided.3This did not eliminate the wave understanding of light: while some experimental contexts seemed to demand the particle nature of light, others (indeed, most) required that light act as a wave. For more on the birth of the quantum, and the errors of the Copenhagen Interpretation of quantum mechanics, see A New Quantum Physics: Rejecting Zeus.

Over the course of only three decades, these four basic concepts of physical science were radically transformed, by work on the domains of the very small and the very large. How might work on the domain of life further transform these basic concepts? Vernadsky asks: “Cannot the life sciences effectively change the fundamental representations of the scientific universe—the representations of space, time, energy, matter—in a radical way? And is this list of fundamental elements of our scientific thought complete?”4V. I. Vernadsky, “The Study of Life and the New Physics,” 1930, translation by Meghan Rouillard, 2015, in press.

A Brief History of Thermodynamics

Up to the First Law

Before the 1800s development of thermodynamics, heat, matter, and mechanical energy were considered quite differently. In the 1700s, heat was related to a substance known as phlogiston, which was considered to exist in bodies capable of being burned, during which process the phlogiston was released as the fiery heat. This also explained why ashes weighed less than the substances that were burned: they had lost their phlogiston. But the great chemist Antoine Lavoisier (1743–1794), demonstrated by careful measurement that when metals were burned (or rusted), the total mass increased, overturning the previous theory. Lavoisier introduced the concept of caloric, a “fluid” of heat, which flowed into bodies being heated.5Lavoisier also developed a powerful conservation principle: that in all chemical and mechanical changes, the total quantity of matter would not change, and that the total mass of each element, considered individually, would also not change. By this theory, caloric was a substance, and its total quantity was conserved as it flowed from hot bodies to cold ones, or was released from them chemically. In the early 1800s, Sadi Carnot studied the operation of heat engines (steam engines), and developed specific mathematical relationships between the flow of heat (as caloric) and the potential physical work accomplished, in order to gauge the potential power of such engines.

Heat and mechanical work later came to be understood under a common system of thought. In the 1840s, James Prescott Joule performed experiments in which the falling of a weight caused paddles to agitate and heat a reservoir of water; mechanical work was transformed into heat, meaning that caloric (if it were a real substance) was being created, and mechanical energy was disappearing. Joule unified heat and mechanical energy, by determining a mechanical equivalent of heat, relating the calorie (a measure of heat) to mechanical energy (measured today in joules).6Before the derivation of the mechanical equivalent of heat, the calorie—a measure of the heat required to change the temperature of a body—was considered as relating to a different domain of nature than the joule (or the foot-pound, used by Joule before the unit bearing his name existed)—which measured mechanical work. Joule determined that there was a direct measurable equivalence between quantities of heat energy and mechanical energy: a calorie is about 4 joules. The Calories in food (often written capitalized) are actually kilocalories, and are about 4 kilojoules each. The principle of the conservation of energy could now be expanded, in a rigorous way, from the domain of mechanical dynamics to the field of thermodynamics. Processes could involve a transformation between (mechanical) energy and heat flow, but never the creation or destruction of total thermodynamic energy.

Further research on the relationships between heat and mechanical work revealed that heat did not exist as a substance. Although a gas under certain conditions and at a certain temperature could be said to contain a certain quantity of energy, it could not be said to contain a definite quantity of heat, of caloric. This was demonstrated by considering different ways of changing a gas system from one state to another, which would result in varying amounts of work or heat-flow, depending on the means taken to go from one state to the other. Thus, one state of a gas could not be said to contain a specific excess of heat compared to another state. The caloric theory of heat faded, and heat was considered not as a substance which would flow between bodies, but only as a measure of flow. Heat flow could be measured, but heat content no longer existed as a scientific concept.

The results of this research were expressed in what are known as the laws of thermodynamics, which encompass both heat and mechanics (hence the name, thermodynamics). The first two laws will be considered separately.

The first law of thermodynamics states that the total quantity of energy in a closed system is conserved. The energy may exist, and be transformed, in various forms, such as mechanical work performed, mechanical and gravitational potential, chemical potential (the ability of a fuel to give off heat when burned), heat flow, and the state-energy of a gas under different volume, pressure, and temperature conditions. Among all such energies, transitions could be made, but no process would result in energy being created or lost.7This concept finds its origins in the work of Leibniz, who wrote of the connection between vis viva (living force—today’s kinetic energy) and vis mortua (dead force—today’s potential energy), as in his 1695 Specimen Dynamicum.

A specific possible efficiency of the transformation of heat-flow into mechanical work was developed, furthering Carnot’s work. Given two heat reservoirs of different temperatures, one hot (TH) and the other cold (TC), the maximum ratio of heat from the hot reservoir converted into work, rather than that lost in heating the colder reservoir, is (TH-TC)/TH, known today as the Carnot efficiency.8 For example, a combustion engine operating at a temperature of 1000K (730°C or 1340°F) as TH, in an environment of temperature 300K (30°C or 80°F) as TC, would have a maximum efficiency of (TH-TC)/TH or (1000K-300K)/1000K = 700K/1000K = 70%. Thus, at most 70% of the heat generated in the engine could be converted into mechanical work, while 30% would heat the colder surrounding environment. This is the maximum theoretical efficiency of an engine operating at these temperatures. Considered in the opposite direction, this relationship also gives the maximum possible efficiency of a refrigeration cycle, of the amount of work required to cause heat to flow from a colder reservoir to a hotter, as in moving heat from the interior of a refrigerator to the air of the kitchen. This maximal efficiency follows from general considerations of systems of gases, and the conservation of energy.9Note that it does not require entropy or the second law of thermodynamics, which will be addressed below. The transformation of heat into mechanical work, at the full Carnot efficiency, can be reversed by the application of mechanical work, in order to heat the hot reservoir, and bring the heat from the cold reservoir back to the hot one.

When the principles of mechanical physics and this law of thermodynamics are combined, it is possible to describe how a thermomechanical system will change. At each moment, given the state of the system and how it is currently changing, the state and nature of change it will take in the next moment can be determined, as can the state and nature of change it must have had in the preceding moment.10For example, knowing the position and speed of a swinging pendulum at one moment allows the determination of its later motion as well as its previous motion. For these principles, the past and the future are equivalent, differing by being in opposite directions according to time, but having no fundamental difference otherwise.11An ideal heat engine, reversed, is an ideal refrigerator. The transformation of heat into work, with some flow of heat into a cold reservoir, can be reversed by the application of work to add the heat back to the hot reservoir, moving heat from the cold reservoir to the hot one at the same time, in the process of refrigeration. Ideal heat engines and refrigerators are the same process, viewed in opposite directions of time. The future can be determined just as accurately as the past. In this way, past and future, forward and back in time, are analogous to left and right: they can be described as opposites, but there is no fundamental distinction between the two directions themselves.12This can help explain the difficulty children have in developing a sense of left and right. Max Planck writes, in his Treatise on Thermodynamics, “From the point of view of the first law, the initial and final states of any process are completely equivalent.” These physical principles can be said to be time-symmetrical, or reversible. Nothing in the phenomena described by physical dynamics or the first law of thermodynamics serves as a basis for intrinsically differentiating the past from the future, or before from after—there is nothing to define a particular direction of time.

The Second Law is Developed

Based on the common observations that heat was never seen to flow of its own accord from a cold object to a hotter one, that gases would tend to diffuse rather than to concentrate, and that friction, found in almost every process, gave rise to a definite direction in time by turning motion into heat, what is known as the second law of thermodynamics was developed in the mid- to late-1800s by Rudolf Clausius, Ludwig Boltzmann, Josiah Willard Gibbs, and Max Planck, among others.

“Entropy” is required to understand this second law. Clausius proposed entropy as a function of state of a gas, a new function of its mass, volume, temperature, and pressure, and noted that, in a closed system (without external work or heat-flow), this quantity was never found to decrease.13 For readers desiring a more specific treatment, the change in entropy can be briefly stated as ΔS = ∫dQ/T, where the change in entropy (S) is the integral of the heat absorbed (Q) divided by the temperature (T). In his Treatise on Thermodynamics, Planck derives a general function for the entropy of a gas: Φ = M(cv log T + R/m log v + constant), where Φ is the entropy, M the mass of the gas, cv the specific heat of the gas at constant volume (the amount of heat applied to change its temperature), T the temperature, R the ideal gas constant, m the molecular weight, and v the volume per mass of gas, from which he shows that the change in entropy would be ∫dQ/T under certain conditions. Entropy was a new physical concept, not derivable from earlier theories, whose increase accorded with the forward flowing of time. Note that while increasing entropy gives the direction of time, it does not define a rate of time. Interestingly, the dynamical laws of normal physics do give rates in time, without defining a direction in time. Entropy does not change if a gas is compressed or expanded by outside work, without the flow of heat, as in an ideal gas shock-absorber, making such a process reversible. Entropy can be roughly understood as measuring the amount of energy in a system unavailable to do work. Of the total energy in a system, the amount that was “free” to do work, would decrease over time. By use of this metric, it was now possible to define the direction of time: the entropy of a closed system can never be lower “after” than it was “before.” Rather than before and after simply being opposites, a specific concept, entropy, now defines an arrow of time.14 Note that while increasing entropy gives the direction of time, it does not define a rate of time. Interestingly, the dynamical laws of normal physics do give rates in time, without defining a direction in time.

Under the second law, reversible and irreversible processes are distinguished. Reversible processes involve no change in entropy. Examples include the swinging of a pendulum in a vacuum (without friction), the motion of a planet around a star, or the ideal compression and expansion of a gas shock-absorber.15Ideal, in the sense that the compression and expansion occurred very slowly, and the cylinder was so well insulated that no heat flowed to or from the surroundings. Reversible processes do not have an intrinsic time or a final state that they head towards: both a future state, and a past state, could be reached by the system without external work or heat. Irreversible processes, however, do involve a change in entropy, moving always towards higher entropy as time moves forward. Examples of irreversible processes are the creation of heat by friction, the expansion of a gas without doing work, or heat flowing from a hotter body to a cold one.16Two brief examples may be useful. First, let’s take two bodies at different temperatures, TH (hotter) and TC (colder), and let heat flow from the hot body to the colder one. Using ΔS = ∫dQ/T, we can say that the change in entropy of the hot body, as it loses heat, is -Q/TH, while the change for the colder body, gaining heat, is Q/TC. The quantity Q (heat flow) is the same for both bodies, since we assume that all heat flowing from the hot body went to the cold one. The total change in entropy is therefore ΔS = -Q/TH + Q/TC. Since TH is greater than TC, the negative term -Q/TH will be smaller than the positive term Q/TC, and the entropy has increased. As a second example, consider the expansion of gas without doing any work and without external heat flow. Take two gas tanks connected by a valve, one full of gas, and the other totally empty. If the valve is opened just a bit, gas will flow into the empty tank until both have the same pressure. Experiments revealed that the temperature of the gases would not change overall, and the energy of a gas had been shown to depend only on its temperature, not its pressure or volume. Therefore, this experiment results in no change in internal energy of the gas. But, if we use Planck’s entropy, Φ = M(cv log T + R/m log v + constant), before and after the motion of the gas, we see that the only term that has changed is v, the volume per mass of the gas, which has doubled from v to 2v. Therefore, ignoring the terms that have not changed, the change in entropy is ΔΦ = M(R/m log 2v) – M(R/m log v), which has a positive value. The entropy of the gas has increased with this expansion, and this is indeed the direction that the process is always observed to occur in. Gases expand to fill available volumes, rather than spontaneously concentrating. Since irreversible aspects are present in almost any process, the concept of a truly reversible process has a meaning which is mostly theoretical.

The atomic theory of matter made for a complication in the understanding of entropy, which was resolved through the use of statistics. On the micro-scale, the individual atoms and molecules making up gases were considered to behave according to dynamic (reversible) physical laws, and thus the difficulty arose of reconciling an increase in entropy (irreversibility) on the macro-scale, with the reversible nature of the particles which made up the macro-states. How could there be an intrinsic direction of time, if all the particles making up irreversible processes, could individually be time-reversed?17Consider, again, the example of gas concentrated in one tank being allowed to fill both tanks. If this entire process were then paused, and then played in reverse, and we watched it with an imaginary molecular microscope, the motion of the gas particles in reverse (concentrating in the one tank and emptying the other) would not violate any laws of physics. Yet, gas is never observed to do this. How can the direction of gas motion be explained by entropy in the large, while examination of its particles reveals a process that could go in the other direction? This was the sort of problem addressed by Boltzmann’s treatment of entropy.

Boltzmann developed statistical mechanics to explain entropy from another standpoint. Rather than being a function of the conditions of a gas as a whole, it could be understood as a function of the number of possible configurations a gas’s particles could take that would correspond to a given macro-state.18 While the second law is frequently expressed as an increase in “disorder,” with recourse to examples of the disorder of macro-scale objects which do not change on their own (such as messy rooms and disorderly desks), this is the mis-application of the everyday word “disorder” out of its meaningful context of micro-states (where it is still a regrettable word) to the totally different context of macro-states. As Professor Frank Lambert humorously points out, objects in a room do not inherently move or lurch towards disorder. They are not a closed system, since the cause of their motion is the people moving them, and does not lie in the objects themselves. See his excellent sites, available from secondlaw.oxy.edu, for more on the pedagogical disaster of using “disorder” to explain entropy. For example, the number of ways for gas particles to exist in two connected gas tanks, is immensely greater than their all being in only one tank, explaining the greater entropy of this distribution. The existence of so many more ways for the gas to be in both tanks explained its expansion to fill both. With these refinements, the disparity between reversible micro-phenomena and irreversible macro-phenomena was bridged.19 Return to the example of footnotes 16 and 17. If the motion of all the gas particles were instantly reversed once they filled the second tank, they would indeed all move back into the first tank. But among all the ways of starting with the general state of two tanks full of gas, how many among the possible configurations of particle positions and momenta in the two tanks would result in all the particles moving into one tank? Only an exceedingly, incredibly tiny number among the impossibly enormous number of potential configurations. This is why, statistical mechanists would say, we do not observe gases to spontaneously concentrate into smaller volumes. Although it is not strictly impossible from the molecular standpoint, it is incredibly unlikely.

The laws of thermodynamics, combined with all the other laws of mechanical physics, unify heat and mechanics, and provide an arrow of time. While the physics of reversible processes have before and after only as opposites, the physics of irreversible processes give a definite direction in time for the evolution of the systems they apply to. The second law gives an intrinsic metric to differentiate before from after.

The First Law of Thermodynamics is Not Universal

The first law of thermodynamics states that in all physical processes, energy is neither created nor destroyed. While Einstein’s demonstration of the interrelationship of matter and energy shows this principle to be untrue, because energy and mass can be interconverted (as in nuclear processes), the changing nature of “energy” will be the focus here, in two respects: (1) that energy is actually created by human beings, and (2) in a case of re-contextualized meanings, economic “energy” is distinct from the energy of the physics, as seen when we consider energy flux density.

In the 1800s, as the laws of thermodynamics were developed, any attempt to measure the total energy of the planet would have erred dramatically. Such an estimate would have included such factors as: sunlight, chemical compounds (such as that in living matter, and in hydrocarbons in the crust), elevations of physical structures (gravitational potential), and the flow of wind and water. While making such an estimate of the total energy available on the planet as a whole would be quite difficult, this is not the greatest problem with undertaking such an endeavor. Rather, consider what would not have been included at all. Such a survey in the 1800s would not have included the nuclear fission energy potential of the planet’s uranium and thorium, or the fusion potential of its deuterium. The estimate of global energy would have been wildly off, not only for reasons of lack of knowledge of the composition of the body of the Earth, but because the domain of possible sources of energy was incomplete: nuclear processes were unknown.

Did the human species increase the amount of energy on Earth, or only discover already-existing energy? Resisting the urge to answer the question in physical terms which would exclude a specifically human response, the honest answer can be given: we have increased the energy available to the human species: we have increased our economic potential. A useful distinction can be made between the two natures of “energy”: it both refers to something we have discovered about the external physical world, and at the same time refers to a mental tool that we use to advance our thought and power. Human beings create resources, including energy.20Before metallurgy, malachite was used as a cosmetic, but became the main ore for producing copper when it became a resource for the new process of metallurgy. Petroleum was not a resource before the chemical era—it was a mess.

Another example illustrates the importance of considering the quality of energy. Rather than only the quantity of energy, consider the energy flux density, the concentration of the power applied to a process. This example is that of heating a home. We will consider two ways of providing the heat. The first is the direct creation of heat in the home by burning fuel (oil or natural gas), and the second is using fuel to produce electricity in a power plant, and then using that electricity to power a heat pump. In the first case, the efficiency of the furnace or boiler would be measured by the annual fuel utilization efficiency (AFUE)21U.S. Department of Energy, http://energy.gov/articles/energy-saver-101-infographic-home-heating, which is around 85% for a typical modern unit. This means that 85% of the heat in the fuel is delivered to the home.

Now, consider the case of using the natural gas to produce electricity, to then run a heat pump. A typical natural gas power plant converts only about 42% of the gas’s heat into electricity.22Energy Information Administration. http://www.eia.gov/electricity/annual/html/epa_08_01.html Yet, the electricity, being a higher quality, more dense form of power than mere heat, is able to accomplish much more than heat can: running motors, powering electronics, producing metals, etc. And even in heating a home, electricity is more efficient than heat itself.23Excepting very cold areas where heat pumps efficiencies are too low to be useful. By using a heat pump, which moves (“pumps”) heat into the home from the outdoor air, electricity from the power plant is multiplied by a coefficient of performance (COP) for the heat pump, a measure of the heat supplied to the home as a ratio of the energy supplied to the pump. For common heat pumps, the COP is in the range of 2–4, meaning that several times more heat are brought into the house, than the energy used for the pumping. Multiplying the electricity conversion rate (42%) by the COP, gives a value of 84–168%. This means that the home has received heat equal to 84–168% of the heat energy in the natural gas fuel. Recall that directly burning the natural gas in a home furnace would have provided 85% of the gas’s heat to the home.

Therefore, converting natural gas to electricity and using a heat pump powered by that electricity can provide up to roughly twice the home heating provided by the direct use of natural gas (168% compared to 85%). And this is a case where the effects are comparable: supplying heat. Without transforming natural gas to electricity, it cannot be used it to power a telephone, a robot in a factory, or a traffic light system. No amount of natural gas can produce an x-ray image of a broken bone.

This is a simple example of what Lyndon LaRouche refers to as a “curious feature” of technological development in his economics textbook So, You Wish to Learn All About Economics?, whereby

“we tend to accomplish much higher rates of work with the higher energy-flux density of a fraction of the total power supplied to the machine, than with the entire power supplied at relatively much lower energy-flux density. It appears that less power accomplishes more work than a greater amount of power.”24Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., So, You Wish to Learn All About Economics?, second edition, EIR News Service, 1995, p. 10.

The “energy” of electricity can be measured in the same physical units as the “energy” of heat, or the chemical “energy” of molecular structure, but these units do not fully express the economic usefulness of that energy. By considering the intensity of the energy, we can differentiate among levels of energy potential, such as the possibilities of: (a) a wood-powered economy, in which energy can be used for heating, cooking, some material treatments, and some metallurgy, (b) a coal-powered economy, in which steam engines can economically be used to transform heat into motion, allowing dramatic changes in production and transportation, (c) an electricity-using economy, where energy can be moved along a wire rather than by transporting fuel, and where the potentials for production are increased by motors, metallurgy is transformed by electrolysis, communication changes fundamentally, and computer automation transforms the nature of productive work, to (d) a quantum-physics and nuclear economy of dramatically increased power capabilities,25The power of nuclear changes is five to six orders of magnitude more dense (100,000 to 1,000,000 times greater) than chemical fuel. See Jason Ross, Forging Fusion. laser and electron-beam technologies, and, with fusion, the potential to develop control over the inner solar system.26 As in the use of fusion-powered spacecraft to reach any part of the inner solar system within a matter of weeks, rather than years. This is a necessity for planetary defense against asteroids and comets, for example.,27For more on this series of economic platforms, see Physical Chemistry: The Continuing Gifts of Prometheus.

While the first law of thermodynamics does apply on the physical level, where energy is neither created nor destroyed (excepting subatomic processes, where energy and matter are related by E=mc²), the “economic energy” available to human economy, as qualified by the type of energy, most certainly does increase, by the human process of creative discovery. This occurs even when less total energy is recovered from fuel sources, by using that more concentrated power to greater effect.

Wild Misapplications of the Second Law

The meaning of the second law of thermodynamics has been greatly simplified and the field of its application dramatically extended, giving it an entirely foreign pop-science meaning. The two major misapplications are in the concept of the “heat death of the universe,” and in the notion that the second law indicates a universal increase of “disorder.”

It was William Thompson (later Lord Kelvin) who is credited with first expounding on the inevitable dissipation of all potential energy into mechanical motion and heat, with a result that “would inevitably be a state of universal rest and death, if the universe were finite and left to obey existing laws.” His colleague Hermann von Helmholtz wrote of the “heat death” of the universe as the ultimate state it would reach, in which no more energy would be available for any processes to make use of. This is the ultimate extrapolation: to apply current knowledge (which at the time, did not include nuclear processes28Resulting in Thompson’s inaccurate estimate of the age of the Sun.) to the entire universe, about which it will always be presumptuous to assume anything approaching a complete understanding.

The other problem plaguing the second law, disturbing its repose as a legitimate and useful physical principle (in its proper domain), is the notion that it insists that the universe will become more “disorderly” over time. Although Boltzmann did indeed use the word “disorder”29Or rather, the German word Unordnung. in his discussion of entropy, it was in the context of expressing a characteristic of aggregates of gas molecules, of the number of states in which the gas particles could be said to be within a certain range of a given macro-scale condition, such as temperature, pressure, and volume. For example, a higher state of temperature allowing a greater diversity of particle motions, was thus a state of higher entropy. This use of the word “disorder” applies to aggregates of microscopic particles, moving about and interacting of their own accord. It manifestly does not apply to objects on a desk, dirty clothing heaped on the floor, etc. Clothes do not move around in large groups, colliding with each other and imparting kinetic energy according to statistical rules. The books in a library do not unshelve themselves and become disorderly at night while the librarians are not supervising them. These objects move due to outside causes: people. They do not spontaneously move of their own accord towards states characterized by a greater diversity of possible distributions.

There is no universal commandment that “disorder,” in whatever context anyone might wish to apply the word, increases. The second law of thermodynamics, is, as its appellation indicates, a law of thermodynamics: not of biology, society, or clothing.

The Second Law of Thermodynamics is Not Universal

Beyond these wildly and foolishly irresponsible extrapolations of logic and linguistics, processes of life and human cognition provide further examples of the second law not being universal in scope. Although the second law cannot actually be applied to macro-scale processes to which it has no relevance, the prevalence of thoughts about universal “entropy” makes it worthwhile to address order and complexity on larger scales, with the caveat that this discussion is of the commonly used notions of entropy and disorder, rather than the actual physical concept.

A powerful economic concept helps make this clear—the concept of the necessity of progress. In his economics textbook,30 See chapter 2 of LaRouche’s So, You Wish to Learn All About Economics? Lyndon LaRouche develops a global measure of economic progress: the potential relative population density of a society, as a function of that society’s scientific and cultural practice. Relative to the quality of improvement of land, how many people could potentially be supported per land-area? This is the potential relative population density (PRPD). Economic value lies in increasing the rate of increase of PRPD. LaRouche writes that while it is obvious that technological regression necessarily implies a decrease in PRPD, the implications of simply ceasing to progress are less clear. By the drawdown of more concentrated resources (energetic, and raw material, for example), LaRouche reasons that the physical cost of providing the base resources will necessarily increase over time in a technologically static society (through the necessity of more difficult mining, etc.), and this increasing cost will lead to a reduction of economic capabilities overall. Without continued technological increase, society will regress; it is impossible to stay still.

From this context, the increasing entropy, and decreasing free thermodynamic energy of physical systems, can be thought of as analogous to the relative, local regression of a system characterized, more universally, by its discontinuous advancements. Clear examples are seen in the very similar domains of life on evolutionary scales of time, and of human economics.

Consider the development of photosynthesis. Before the development of life capable of using the energy of sunlight, terrestrial life depended on chemical energy, such as that utilized by organisms living around deep-sea vents emitting high-energy molecules such as hydrogen sulfide. The total energy available to life was small, and was generated from deep-earth processes. From the thermodynamic standpoint, the energy potential of these molecules (and the processes generating them) would eventually be used up as the gases escaped the Earth’s crust, and the Earth’s cooling temperature produced less of them. While a modern-day environmentalist may have called for the conservation of scarce hydrogen sulfide, and for measures to be taken for its more efficient use, a different route was taken by life. The development of photosynthesis meant that an entirely new, and immensely vast energy source now became available to life, capable of supporting a great deal more biological material and energy flow, and an increase in the biogeochemical energy of living matter. Later, the move of life to land, and the new structures and processes required for it, unlocked an increasing photosynthetic capability.

While the local tendency may appear to be towards decreasing free energy when examining small physical systems, the characteristic of life as a whole, and of human society, is in precisely the opposite direction. Or rather, not precisely opposite, in that the upward shifts occur as leaps, rather than the continuous decrease of free energy expressed by the second law of thermodynamics. An anthropomorphized system of hot gas may look with dismay and dread at the locally decreasing free energy, but life and cognition are not universally characterized in this way.

Vernadsky demonstrates that the biogeochemical energy of life has increased over time. In a 1926 speech on evolution, Vernadsky developed what he called his “second biogeochemical principle,” which states that the evolution of species has an intrinsic direction, moving towards species which increase their chemical and energetic effect on the surrounding environment (in Vernadsky’s terms, increasing the biogenic migration of atoms). More recent studies strongly support Vernadsky’s second principle, indicating that the evolution of life (as far as currently observed) defines an arrow of time, always moving in one direction: towards greater energy use per species and greater corresponding effects on the biosphere.31See “Biospheric Energy-Flux Density,” 21st Century Science and Technology, Spring 2013. Also, Benjamin Deniston, “Towards Demonstrating Vernadsky’s Second Biogeochemical Principle: The Implications of Metabolic Scaling Laws for Vernadsky’s Views on Evolution and the Spacetime of Living Matter,” forthcoming.

Looking at a larger (cosmic) scale, we see the irrelevance of physical entropy in understanding the development of the universe. As an example, consider the big bang theory, according to which the lowest-entropy, highest free-energy state the universe was ever in, occured some billions of years ago, and everything has gone downhill since, from a thermodynamic point of view. Again, any increase in this physical quantity of entropy is absolutely irrelevant to cosmology when considering the manifest increase in order and complexity: the development of galaxies, stars, planets, and, around our star, Sol, life and cognition. Perhaps a galaxy does have higher entropy than a collection of cosmic dust or the subatomic soup supposedly existing within the first microseconds after the big bang, but this does not in any way indicate that it has more disorder, or is less interesting in its characteristics.

A human being, turning food into bodily motion and biological upkeep, is thermodynamically a drain on free-energy,32 Throughout this report, the use of “free-energy” is in the thermodynamic sense, as developed by Gibbs. It has no relation to “zero-point energy,” “vacuum energy”, or any other form of purported energy which is “free” in the sense of having no cost. and yet is the source of creative developments that qualitatively increase the mental tools and the useful energy available to the species: human free-energy increases, without paying any regard to locally decreasing thermodynamic free-energy.

Even the statistical mechanics interpretation of entropy, according to which the increasing entropy is measured as an evolution towards states of greater likelihood, of greater means of possibility, is opposite to the changes seen in life and humanity. Far from moving towards states of greater probability, evolutionary changes in life, and economic changes in humanity, move to states of zero probability, of previous impossibility. A future comes to be, which the physical past could not have created. Bronze Age humanity had available to it an entire array of processes and materials that simply did not exist in the Stone Age, just as mammals have molecules and biological processes that never existed in earlier life, such as reptiles, and which could not, because earlier life did not regulate its temperature.

In sum, we need not lose sleep about a physical quantity—entropy—getting larger, fretting that the future will be a disorderly heat-soup; rather we can instead look at the actual development over time of the universe and of our species, and see that they are characterized by contrary processes. Our understanding of the universe must include these phenomena of life and cognition, or it is appallingly incomplete. Increasing complexity, increasing biological energy, and increasing economic energy may be coherent, locally, with the second law of thermodynamics, but are certainly not explained by it. The second law of thermodynamics is not universal.

Reflections on Time

Comprehension of the characteristics of time in thermodynamics and physics gives a greater pungency to the different kinds of time seen in the biosphere and noosphere. To review: Dynamical laws of physics, with the first law of thermodynamics, govern reversible processes, for which before and after are opposite directions in time, but lack any inherent difference. The irreversible processes covered by the second law of thermodynamics have a direction in time, an inherent distinction between before and after, based on the concept of physical entropy increasing in the direction of the flow of time.

Two prominent differences seen in the times of life and of human thought are their quantized character, and dependence on context. The quantized, discrete nature of these times is seen in the development of new “technologies,” such that before and after are distinguished not by a scalar quantity increasing in the direction of time-flow, but by the fact that after cannot be reached from before. That is, humanity in the nuclear age creates states of matter which could never have been created in earlier ages of human development, because the requisite technologies did not exist.33Time, alone, did not bring about the future state. The time of human development is characterized by increasing our dimensions of action, rather than any (scalar) measure which has a meaningful value in all contexts.34Lyndon LaRouche has referred to the work of Bernhard Riemann on Abelian functions, as a means of more directly expressing increasing levels of complexity, incommensurable with the previous level. On this topic, see Jason Ross, Bernhard Riemann: Potential and Abelian Functions, part 1 and part 2.

The existence of uniquely biological time is revealed by study of characteristic metabolic rates for classes of animals over evolutionary time. Joint examination of metabolic rates and times for biological periods (such as time of population doubling, or heart rate) reveals characteristic specific metabolic rates for classes of animals. For example, reptiles have an average energy use per gram per lifespan of approximately 230 kJ/g/lifespan. For amphibians it is less, 210 kJ/g/lifespan, while for mammals it is 1,600 kJ/g/lifespan, and for birds, 5,280 kJ/g/lifespan.35Benjamin Deniston, “Towards Demonstrating Vernadsky’s Second Biogeochemical Principle.” The increasing values, roughly characteristic of each of these classes of vertebrate life, point to the increasing rate of biogenic energy flow over evolutionary time, and, even more significantly, point to an inherently biological unit of time. These class-specific metabolic rates arise only when the unit of time considered is unique to each species: its average lifespan. Thus, a meaningful empirical generalization is arrived at—a class-wide specific metabolic rate—through the use of a specifically biological unit of time, one related to a biological process (the time of generations), rather than a physical process, and which exists only in the context of the form of life being considered. This is an example of the development of the concept of time, due to the study of life, exactly as Vernadsky called for, and foresaw.36Within life, Vernadsky differentiated metabolic time, generational time, and evolutionary time, and considered the characteristics specific to each, “The Problem of Time in Contemporary Science”, unpublished translation.

Human Time

An entirely new characteristic of time exists when considering the process of human cognition: the characteristic of now. Recall that: the first law of thermodynamics distinguishes before and after only as opposites; the second law of thermodynamics gives an inherent direction to time; living processes give a quantized nature of time (as in the cyclic nature of generational time); and evolutionary changes in life give an incommensurable direction of time, where after is distinguished from before by the existence of processes that could not have existed before. While the meanings of before and after have developed, none of these kinds of time has yet required a now.

Now is a particular kind of moment, distinguished from a then. While thens exist in physics, and can be distinguished from each other, now does not exist; it is not a concept required by phenomena. Now is not the moment between before and after; it is the moment between the past and the future. The laws of thermodynamics give a distinction between before and after, but these befores and afters can be before or after any particular moment, any then. Before and after are not the same as past and future. When is “right now”, physically? What differentiates, fundamentally, now from an hour ago?

Furthermore, under Einstein’s relativity, the concept of a universal time, of the possibility of a shared moment in time for different observers, has vanished with the disappearance of simultaneity. Recall that one event may appear to follow another to one observer, while both events could appear simultaneous to another observer.37This is demonstrated in The Extraordinary Genius of Albert Einstein, starting at 1:04:30. Therefore, a single moment in time, a universal simultaneity, cannot exist. There can be no universal “now”. In what way, then, can now have meaning? What sort of phenomenon requires the existence of a “now”?

It is by the nature of free will that human beings have a now, the time of decision. The opportunity to willfully create incommensurable shifts like those seen in life only over evolutionary time, is present at every moment to the human individual: the opportunity in each now to make choices that are not pre-determined, and which, when creative, are choices which distinguish the future fundamentally from the past, by increasing the possible domain of human action. These nows of discovery, these moments of creative insight, are the reason for the existence of economy as a characteristic of the human species, not seen in other life.

The direction of humanity does not inexorably “tend” in any direction; it is a series of nows, of constant opportunities for decision. When human time is used to make a fundamental discovery, the truest substance of the universe is made visible to the human mind: the substance of incommensurable change itself.

What are “Universal” Principles?

If extending principles beyond the domains of their discovery is fraught with danger, can any truly universal principles ever be known? Consider this warning from Vernadsky:

“In one case, in 1824 the young French engineer Sadi Carnot founded thermodynamics. Carnot’s principle defines the unidirectional course of a process in time. Thirty years later, Rudolph Julius Clausius, then a professor at Zürich, in the principle of entropy, generalized this unidirectional process (which is expressed geometrically in space-time by a polar vector of time) to all of reality, as defining the “end of the world.” In this form, this was an extrapolation of a logical thought, but not a phenomenon of reality.”38Vernadsky, “The Problem of Time in Contemporary Science”, unpublished translation.

If universal “phenomena of reality” exist, how can they be sought? What could be the basis of potentially valid insight into universal principles, if extrapolations from scientific principles cannot be counted on? What can we say about the universe, if our knowledge is always incomplete?

Nicolaus of Cusa, in his work De Docta Ignorantia (On Learned Ignorance), which inspired Johannes Kepler and made modern science possible, begins by setting his eyes on what he saw as the most universal of universals, God, and then goes on to discuss the universe in the context of his insight on the Creator. The central concept of knowledge employed by Cusa, that of educated ignorance, informed by a coincidence of opposites, does not use small parts or small ideas to build up to great ones, but details the specific way that a lack of knowledge is itself an appropriate means to express new concepts. For example, Cusa states that God is that maximum to which nothing is opposed, including the minimum, and that He is the light which is not opposite of darkness.39Nicolaus of Cusa, De Docta Ignorantia, translation by Jasper Hopkins, Book I. These are contradictions, specific unspeakables, to lead the reader towards an incomprehensible concept, by making the incomprehensibility more specific.

Cusa then takes up the universe, again communicating his thoughts in the form of impossibilities arising from attempts at understanding which are below the level required for comprehension. He reasons that that which is less than truth cannot measure truth precisely, and applies this insight to astronomy. Cusa maintains that no planet can move in a circle, as a perfect circle, embodying absolute perfection, cannot exist in the created world, and could not be a cause of motion.40De Docta Ignorantia, Book II. Similarly, perfectly uniform (circular) motion was impossible: how could two motions be so equal, as not to be capable of still greater equality? Thus, both circles and uniform motion were rejected as true means of understanding the planets. What remained? Nothing, in the language Cusa sought to surpass. His follower, Johannes Kepler, applied physics to astronomy, providing an affirmative higher level of thought that resolved the impossibility of understanding astronomy geometrically, as brought forth by Cusa. Kepler’s use of physics, of a physical principle whose application varied in every moment, shocked his contemporaries, laid an entirely new basis for astronomy, and opened the path to modern science.

A general conclusion can be drawn from this astronomical example. Contrary to Aristotle’s view that opposites could not co-exist, or the logician’s view that all conclusions exist inherently in the original premises, Cusa maintained the primacy of the process of discovery itself, whereby contradictions drive the mind to hypothesize a new concept, not derivable from the past—a conclusion that defies the premises, rather than following from them. Cusa held that it was through this process, of knowing through specific ignorance, that one could come the closest to seeing God. Resolving paradoxes through developing new metaphors for understanding is more than a technique for arriving at physical truths: this process is the truest substance of nature.41 Jason Ross, Metaphor: an Intermezzo.

Every human being is born with the potential to apply this process of discovery: to exist in the efficient immortality of discovering principles and applying them for the betterment of society, where betterment is seen in increasing the capability of fellow people to participate in this most characteristically human of behaviors.
The creation of such a society, free from the oligarchism that currently threatens global thermonuclear warfare, is the most beautiful, the most human, and the most urgently pressing task facing mankind today.

Video of 2fMACjq5D7k
Recorded on March 22, 2015, these are the opening remarks by Jason Ross on aspects of time unique to biology and mankind, from the standpoint of Vladimir Vernadsky and Lyndon LaRouche. With a particular focus on why the laws of thermodynamics do not apply to humanity.

Video of 0WEqHk5LJus

Transcript now available. Join us at 1PM Eastern today for our weekly Policy Committee discussion featuring Lyndon LaRouche, Benjamin Deniston, host Matthew Ogden and the LPAC Policy Committee.

MATTHEW OGDEN: Good afternoon, it’s March 23rd, 2015. My name is Matthew Ogden, and I’d like to welcome everybody to our weekly broadcast with the LaRouche PAC Policy Committee discussion…. I’m joined via video by Bill Roberts, from Detroit, Michigan; Dave Christie, from Seattle, Washington; Kesha Rogers, from Houston, Texas; Michael Steger from San Francisco, California; and Rachel Brinkley from Boston, Massachusetts. And here in the studio, as you can see, we’re very happy to be joined by Lyndon LaRouche, as well as Ben Deniston from the LaRouche PAC Basement Team, and Diane Sare. So, Lyn, I’ll let you begin our discussion.

LYNDON LAROUCHE: Well, the interesting thing, we’re getting all these people pretending that they’re running for President. And we’re going to have to exclude some people, get them out of there, say, “Well, you’ve got a different career. Your appointment is a different place,” something like that, because it’s becoming awful. What’s happening now, is that we do have a candidacy which is very important, and it’s not based on somebody’s pet theory or pet background. You know, Hillary is not capable of being President; it’s obvious. And there are other people who are perfectly good people, but who are not qualified for this position, right now.

Because it requires special, international standards, which dump Obama. And the first thing that some people have to do, is get to dumping Obama. And if we don’t dump Obama, we’re not going to have a United States, so therefore he has to be dumped. And each person who’s on the list of would-be Presidential candidates has got to say, “Look, we’ve got to dump Obama.” And if they all say that, we might achieve something really important. Because then they would honest about themselves, not about their career ambitions.

What’s going on now is O’Malley has actually taken the bit, on the operation now, and he’s the one who’s doing the job. The others are sitting there saying “I’m a Presidential candidate, too!” but where’s the action? Where’s the function, where’s the performance? That’s where we are now.

So it’s a new situation. I think even with the discussion at the table here, we have to take that into account, as something we would work to develop our judgment on.

OGDEN: What O’Malley’s been emphasizing during his campaign trip into Iowa this weekend, is obviously Glass-Steagall. But he’s denouncing the Democratic Party for having become the party of Wall Street, which is Obama, obviously. And he published this op-ed in the Des Moines Register which is the newspaper of record in Iowa, where his concluding point was: We need “to put the nation’s interests before the interests of Wall Street.” (http://martinomalley.com/2015/03/20/prevent-another-crash- reform-wall-street/) And that’s the rallying cry, and it’s exactly what this Policy Committee has been advocating for, all the way back to the Congressional campaigns. So, I think that’s absolutely reflective of the impact that LaRouche Political Action Committee and especially this Policy Committee has had over years.

LAROUCHE: Absolutely. That’s exactly it. We have to, actually now, instead of being just an also-ran, we actually have to be a vehicle which helps to define — we have it, because we have recognized the fact of the two Germans and O’Malley, who have actually set into motion the only thing that could save us from Obama.

So, if Hillary won’t do the job, she’s too compromised; she’s not trustworthy, because she’s too frisky, too flagrant. And others are not really that qualified; they have not done anything to qualify themselves as being suited for that office. O’Malley so far has. He’s met one of the crucial requirements for candidacy. And we don’t have anybody else who has. And that’s the question we ought to pose.

DIANE SARE: I think today is a highly appropriate day to take up matters of the Presidency, since it is the anniversary of Ronald Reagan’s announcement of your policy, the Strategic Defense Initiative, on March 23rd, 1983, which changed the world, and which was, as you’ve been insisting, creating and brought into being something new, that created a new geometry that people had not considered before.

And we have that potential now, with the offer of the Chinese on the table, with what’s happened with the AIIB, which Obama has very peculiar reaction to, highly inappropriate and insane. If he thinks he’s going to stop this, I mean the momentum for global development is absolutely unstoppable at this moment.

So I think this is the realm in which Americans have to actually think, not on a lower level, not football teams, not what they think is popular opinion, but what allows us as a nation, as mankind, to enter into a new paradigm which is just on the cusp of coming into existence.

LAROUCHE: Well, we have to do it on the basis of Manhattan. If we don’t use the Manhattan focal point, it won’t work. You just take the Manhattan choice, — well, he can fill in on that one, nicely. He’s been a mobile character, who can take various locations in the United States and operate with them.

But that’s what he is now. And the fact that you have the two German officials included, and implicitly the effect of that inside Europe otherwise. And this, the question is get rid of the crap inside the Obama administration, and get something going which settles a relationship with Russia. And you could do that with Germany. But the German forces are simply playing games back and forth. France, the same thing: France knows and Germany knows, in terms of the best leaders there, that that’s the case. If they can move — you know, the British are under control for a moment now, not because they’re willing but because they’re opportunist.

But so therefore, we could really very quickly pull a process of developing a global system, and that’s the only way in which we could guarantee there’s not going to be a thermonuclear war.

SARE: Right. And I will say, as I told you earlier, the demonstration we had this past week at Wall Street, where we had our new poster which has the full color photograph of the BRICS head of state, plus Alexander Hamilton adding his hand to the five-way handshake, which caught people’s attention and it was markedly different. We do not typically have Wall Street brokers coming up to us to find out what’s going on with the BRICS process. And they were desperate enough to know, that they were willing to even spend some money to find out what we’re talking about.

And then, you had also, the overwhelming optimism because all these international tourists coming through this area in front of Federal Hall, across from the House of Morgan and the New York Stock Exchange, and then you have George Washington’s statue. And you just get a sense of the real optimism, of this shift going on in the world, and it’s clear that Manhattan is, in a sense, the entry point, the way this can come into the United States, and we can break it open.

LAROUCHE: What we have to do, is take our whole operation in and around New York City, and make that the issue. That New York City has to be the rallying point, for the United States as a whole, to play its proper role, in terms of the trans-Atlantic area and the global area. And we have to make that, not the bystander saying “well, maybe if” or “maybe that,” or so forth. Get rid of it! Just say, look, what’s needed now… And we have a governor in the state, who’s under pressure right now, and that would help his process, which would have a reciprocal effect on the total role of Manhattan itself.

OGDEN: Governor of New York Cuomo?

LAROUCHE: Yeah. We can pull it, we can pull it! So let’s pull it.

SARE: Also, we do have the Schiller Institute conference there this Saturday, as a very important rallying point to pull this thing together….

LAROUCHE: Double it, double it. Double the aspects of the — don’t take one at a time, take a double shot. [laughter]

OGDEN: I think… sorry, go ahead Kesha.

KESHA ROGERS: I was just going to say, I think that the focus of the Presidential elections, and you have these people pretending to run for President right now, what is going to actually determine who is qualified and who is disqualified very quickly is the Manhattan project. Because the Manhattan project puts up from that anybody who is qualified to run for office is going to take on Wall Street directly and demand to drive a stake through the heart of Wall Street, and that they have to be brought down.

And you look at this insanity of all of the Presidential candidates, including Ted Cruz just announcing his candidacy today — I mean, he’s really “cruzin’ for a bruisin'” — and you know he’s not going to take on Wall Street, because he is compromised! He’s compromised by the fact that, one, he has a wife who is a top executive of Goldman Sachs, and he’s not going to do anything to mess up that relationship. So he’s not going to actually touch Wall Street. He’s not going to go for Glass-Steagall and we already know this. And all the people in Texas and other places who thought this guy was going to come and ride in on a white horse to save the day, are fools! They’re highly mistaken.

And I think that what we have set as the example of, the only qualifications that you have that must be put forth, if you’re going to be a legitimate candidate for President, is, you have to break yourself and get out of bed with Wall Street. And he definitely is not the person to do that. And you know there’s several others.

I think the other thing is that, if you look at what Obama has done on the disgusting policy of correlating the civil rights movement and the actions of the civil rights moving to the Maidan in Ukraine, and saying that this is the same policy, and that we should respect this Nazi policy, and the support of Nazis in Ukraine as similar to the fight for civil rights, that’s completely insane! And you have someone like Ted Cruz, who’s sitting there and saying that, well, we need to give more funding, we need to do as Victoria Nuland is saying, and back up the Nazis in Ukraine even further and faster.

OGDEN: Well, even having lethal weapons, that’s what he’s demanding, immediate arming of the Ukraine…

ROGERS: Right. We’re there for that, right. So, I think that the issue is very clear, that right now, as you said Lyn, any Presidential candidate has to come in from the standpoint that we’re in a completely different ball game, than anything that’s ever happened in the history of the United States. And you can’t just have a bunch of fools deciding they want to put their name in the hat.

LAROUCHE: Well, generally the point is, Obama is genocide. That is, Obama actually will create a thermonuclear war; and that’s genocide. So Obama must be thrown out of office and neutralized, as all costs. Because otherwise, if you don’t have a force in the process of being assembled, to throw Obama out of office, the danger is of a thermonuclear war. That’s the danger. And Nuland, of course, is one of the most typical sources of that, but that means the Obama administration. I means the Obama and Bush administration! It means the Bush candidacy, is part of the same thing! So Bush’s candidacy must be thrown out!

If the Democrats, if the Republicans want to support that, they should be thrown out. Because if they want to be honest, they have to recognize what the truth is, not who’s their cheering leader or something.

But this is crucial: We’ve got to actually have a role of the United States, which goes through a process which is centralized, essentially in Manhattan and that vicinity, and we have to see some action there which begins to eliminate — you know, Hillary, for example, Hillary is not a viable candidate. She’s made too many mistakes, she is compromised, people don’t know where she stands, and so forth. So therefore, unfortunately, she’s a talented person, and a qualified person, but when it comes to politics, she’s really a terrible amateur in terms of effect.

So what we need is a process of getting a teamwork, which obviously we have one available right now; O’Malley is a qualified Presidential candidate. He’s probably the most qualified Presidential candidate on the list right now. And the others are amateurs, they’re just sitting on the sidewalk, sitting on top of — you know, something on the street side, but they’re not active. They’re not doing anything which is going to solve the problem: They’re saying give me your support for my election, and I will support you in return. That is a very lousy way of making a Presidential selection! And that’s it.

And Hillary is typical of the folly of the candidacies that have been running round for the past two terms of office, especially for the second one, the Obama term.

DAVE CHRISTIE: Lyn, I think that goes to the core of this whole popular opinion especially around this Presidency, because a lot of people might say, well, O’Malley, he’s not popular enough, he’s not this, that and other thing. He doesn’t have the big backing, therefore why would you support him? And I think obviously, the point you’re making on this is, he represents the only thing or is discussing the only thing that is of any relevancy.

And I was just reflecting on it, because I think this somewhat goes to what you did on your statement on concerning O’Malley, Steinmeier, and Schmidt, which actually goes to the heart of, I also think, a process of discovery in general, and I’d just be curious if you have something to say on this. But the point is, I bet, if you brought all of those three people together — O’Malley, Steinmeier and Schmidt — and confronted them with what you had said in terms of what they had done to shift the global strategic situation, probably all three of them may have said, “Well what d’you mean? I was just doing this,” and separately, “I was doing this.” But what you did is you brought that all together from the standpoint of where humanity needs to go; not what’s popular, but where does humanity need to go, and then you defined what the significance of what they were doing from that standpoint.

And to me, it seems that this is somewhat, in terms of a scientific discovery process, that’s often determined by where humanity needs to go, and you define your insight — the insights based on that, of where humanity needs to go. Maybe I’m not expressing that exactly clearly: But it just strikes me that what you did with this O’Malley, Steinmeier, Schmidt statement, was, consolidated something and drew a certain focal point from the standpoint of where humanity needed to go, not what was necessarily some popular opinion or something.

LAROUCHE: No, that was already decided. What happened was that before O’Malley made his public statement, he had acceded to an opinion expressed by a friend of ours. And therefore, O’Malley himself adopted the policy, on the basis of my recommendation. And therefore, I’m going to back this one up, because it’s the only chance for the United States government right now.

OGDEN: I think that speaks directly to the point that Diane was making: As we look back to Ronald Reagan, shocking the world by adopting the Strategic Defense Initiative, March 23rd, 1983, what was contained in that was the direct influence that you had, Lyn, on shaping the policy of the President of the United States. And you’ve made a long career out of shaping the Presidency. And that’s what we’re engaged in right now; that’s what the Glass-Steagall thing…

LAROUCHE: I got involved in that, on the basis of the Kennedy brothers, particularly when two of them got assassinated. And I saw from that point on, in the beginning of the 1970s, that this was the only thing that was being presented that made any sense. And that’s how I got involved with him, in this thing.

OGDEN: Mm-hmm. And the Presidential team, before he even — while he was running for President, his close team of advisors had approached you…

LAROUCHE: Yeah, well, they approached me in ’77. And so they sort of coached me along and then decided, “OK, you passed muster, you are what we need,” and so therefore, I did the SDI. I designed the SDI policy. And the SDI policy was the necessary policy at that time. And every problem we have internationally is the crushing of that policy. We had it in our hands; we had the answer. And it was done by the British and a new Russian appointee, who screwed everything up.

But we had the thing, we had an agreement of the Soviet Union, through me and through other people who also were happy about this thing, in order to create a new relationship among nations in the trans-Atlantic community. And that’s what we were working for! And we had everything, including all the economic methods and so forth that were required to get this thing working.

And suddenly this thing came down, boom!, because when a new Soviet figure was put into place [Yuri Andropov], then everything was sabotaged and then all the screwballs and whores went the other way.

OGDEN: [laughs] Right.

LAROUCHE: And that’s the kind of situation, the less we have to operate on now: We’ve had the options; we had the Kennedy’s, both of them. Both of them were killed, one after being elected, one before being elected. And that’s typical. And this goes back to the FBI problem: The FBI was the actual instrument, which was used in order to — for Truman, and that was the instrument that was used to destroy the United States, the Franklin Roosevelt United States. And I’m back for the Franklin Roosevelt United States.

BENJAMIN DENISTON: Well, I think this all goes to something that you were discussing with some people yesterday, which is that what’s needed right now is, for the United States to do something that most people don’t even have a conception of, which I think all of this just really underscores your emphatic emphasis on that: That we can’t look to the past at this point, especially the past two Presidencies. But as you were discussing, the past decades, we’ve had fights, wins, losses; but what’s needed right now, you were saying, is that we need to come forward with a conception which doesn’t exist, in the minds of the vast majority of the population today, and we can never fall victim to looking for things that people will agree with. Because people will agree with things that are in their preconceived notions. But in their preconceived notions, the reality of what’s needed for the country doesn’t exist.

LAROUCHE: There’s a very problematic feature in this whole process: The stupidity of the American people in particular, but the Europeans generally as well, is they believe in what they call the “economic system.” They believe that money, or the money system is a determinant of what productivity will be, and can be, and this is where the problem arises. When in point of fact, the problem is that mankind believes that human economic success is the basis for human success; that’s implicitly what the argument is.

Whereas, we know that the progress of mankind, the distinction of mankind from an animal — and that’s what we’re talking about — most human beings that I know of, today, believe in animal behavior, not human behavior. That’s why we like dogs, for example.

OGDEN: At least they aspire to be human! [laughter]

LAROUCHE: Yeah, exactly! So, but the point is that mankind is the only creature, which does create, voluntarily, create an influence on the processes of nature, which overwhelm nature, so-called ‘nature,’ itself. That’s the fact. And the people who are practical, so-called practical people, are intrinsically stupid on this question, because they don’t recognize that mankind is not an animal! They all assume that animal behavior, as defined by money or something like that, is the determining factor. And the fact is, that as Kepler implicitly defines in his writing, is that there is a principle of organization, in the Solar System, which demands and makes possible, mankind’s advancement to higher levels of existence within the Solar System as such. No other living species we know of, has that potential.

And therefore, we need people who can see through to the future, not looking — people who are not practical. Practical people are stupid people, because they limit themselves to an assumption about human behavior which is an animal characteristic. And that’s what the problem is. And you have, in the history of mankind, you have long histories where mankind has endeavored, to achieve human qualities! And what’s happened is the human qualities have been suppressed, and that’s what the problem is. And therefore, we have to get the human quality back into function, and then we can solve the problem.

But I get in these discussions, we have even in our own organization, where they fall into the prey, of assuming the practical things are things that are human. And I say, well you’re not really totally human if you’re practical.

OGDEN: You said at the end of your statement, the one “On the Subject of Germany’s Role” [https://larouchepac.com/20150316/subject-germanys-role] that you wrote last weekend, you said the only things worth accomplishing are the things that are considered impossible. If you create the possibility of actualizing the “seemingly impossible,” then you’ve done something which is creative.

LAROUCHE: That’s what you’re seeing implicitly, at least, reflected in what China’s policy has become. And China’s policy which has spread, as an influence, to many nations is now waiting to gobble up and take over the trans-Atlantic region.

DENISTON: Right. You see the reflection of people being stuck in the old paradigm in their response to this, still. I was just struck looking at some of the headlines, in response to these European nations joining the AIIB. Now, what’s China’s policy? They’re saying this is a “win-win” policy. The vice foreign minister just said, this is not a geostrategic game; this is not took for geopolitics, the way the game’s been played in the past. This is part of a “”win-win” in which all participants can progress, because this is how humanity progresses. But then the headlines are still, geostrategic headlines: “Europeans Banking on China Winning against the U.S.” — you know; “U.S. Allies Backing Down To China Guiding the New World Order.” And you just see even the way it’s being discussed is still stuck in this old paradigm.

OGDEN: I think that was the same thing as the misconception of the SDI. What did people say, what was the fraudulent line against the SDI? That this was just a new arms race. Whereas, in fact, this was a “win-win” policy! This was the only way you could ensure mutual survival.

And this China initiative is of that magnitude: It’s a completely new paradigm. So the option exists, the question is, will there be sufficient people who will take that option?

LAROUCHE: The point is, you have the fact that there was an assassination attempt on a President of the United States, and the attack on Reagan, was actually the turning down, of the greatest opportunity that the United States had ever had.

And he capitulated. He didn’t capitulate, in a way, he was forced to capitulate, and the Bush family came in!

OGDEN: Right. He had a Bush on the inside.

LAROUCHE: And that’s what this is, and therefore, we have lost our legacy, and we have to get it back. And that’s what we have to do now. And we cannot accept, therefore, any Presidential candidate who does not meet that qualification of commitment. And we have to say so, publicly. That O’Malley especially has expressed in action, at least, a qualification for becoming a President, an actual President.

DENISTON: And the only one who’s done so, so far.

LAROUCHE: And the only one who’s done so, so far. We would welcome more, and I’m sure O’Malley himself would welcome more of his same breed. And that’s the way we should put it. Because this would be a shocking statement for us to utter out publicly, but the kind of shocking statement which is needed for the occasion. And sending our people into Manhattan, which is what we’re doing more and more, now, in terms of our influence, is exactly consistent with that. And we have to take the two things and say, the Manhattan question, the original Manhattan principle, and that is the principle, “Well, that’s the same thing as what we call the Manhattan principle.” [laughter] And that that’s what the policy has to be, and we have to tell the world that that’s what the policy has to be. We have to tell the world, that that’s the policy. And we can do it!

OGDEN: Yeah, Manhattan’s the perfect forum to do that.

LAROUCHE: Isn’t it? It’s because you have so many branches of humanity in Manhattan, the Manhattan area, which will respond to this — “Hey! Hey!” [laughter]

DENISTON: “That sounds good!”

LAROUCHE: Even the doggies will come in there, if they’re allowed on the streets.

SARE: They are!

MICHAEL STEGER: Well, you really do see a surge. Lyn, your Presidential campaigns were always a critical factor in addressing the crisis during those periods of time. And obviously, the intervention you made around the Manhattan project last October was critical to shaping this whole process.

One of the things that came up in discussions, — you’ve been hitting this “practical” question: I mean, the practical notion that people have adopted, it fundamentally denies a sense of human immortality. It denies the idea that there is an ability that the contributions one makes in their life, to actually live on beyond them; it really is just a few of the basic, fundamental decisions and commitments one makes towards human progress that determines that potential and the gravity of that immortality, the significance of it, versus all these petty, time-distracting wastes of time, things people get caught up in on a daily basis, when it comes down to a few fundamental decisions and commitments that really determine the significance of our life. And you give up your own soul by becoming practical. And to me that just struck the conception of what’s really lacking in American culture and American politics today.

LAROUCHE: That’s the water question, the American water question: How do we maintain the water supply, necessary for the population of the United States? Now, what’s happened is, we’ve had a decline in the water supply in the United States, efficiently. And we have now reduced the potential, to the point that we are going to reduce the population of the United States! And we’re going to worsen the impoverishment of the members of the United States. Therefore, we have a national mission, which is not a national mission, but it’s an international mission, in which we take a leading part in encouraging other nations to join with us, to take these steps which will enable mankind to do things which we’ve never done.

And what China is doing now, with the Moon project, and the extension of the Moon program is in that direction: That’s the Kepler direction. And we must document this, publicly, in such a way that we spread this information, not as casual asides to friends, but we have to make it a formal statement of policy. We say, the other policy was wrong, because it neglected this crucial issue. How do you provide for families, families of Americans for example, in this territory, for example, and how do we improve the conditions of human life, in the United States, for example, how do we do that?

So therefore, we have to bring about a change in the characteristic, the physical characteristics of the organization of the population of the United States. And then we say, “Oh, yes, other parts of the world have the same kinds of problem, in a different form.” Then we get a unity, which is what is implicit in what China has done. Because China has actually made possible a whole “win-win” conception. And we want to join the “win-win” policy idea, and take the elements which are now committed to doing that, and attracting those who should be committed to it.

OGDEN: Right.

LAROUCHE: And we at this table have to do that.

STEGER: I was going to say that California and the Western states won’t survive, if we don’t join China and the BRICS before the year is over. And that has to be the commitment, otherwise these Western states won’t survive: They’ve got a year or less of water left.

LAROUCHE: Good! Excellent, excellent!

RACHEL BRINKLEY: We were at an event yesterday with four mayors, and it was presided over by the head of the Boston Fed, and it was a sort of interesting discussion; there were many of the mayors from Seattle, from Baltimore, Boston were acknowledging some of the fundamental crises, and they used that word — they said “it’s a crisis, what’s happening to parts of our population is horrible”; they went through some of the statistics of the poverty and whatnot. And two of them attacked the Federal government — said, we don’t have a competent Federal policy, and that’s not OK. We should fight about this.

So that was interesting. I mean, you could see a glimmer of something, where they wanted to oppose this. They wanted to, as you were saying, “create a future.” But it was limited: For one, the event was sponsored by Citigroup, and there was no attack on Wall Street. There was an attack on the inequalities, but not on Wall Street, and it really is fundamental, this question of incompetence and stupidity, that you’re bringing up. We really do have destroy this belief in Wall Street, that really is still there in too many Americans.

So one of our organizers brought up the Glass-Steagall and O’Malley, and it was a certain bombshell that was dropped. The mayor said, “Yes, we’re in discussion of that,” but it was sheepish, given all the bankers that were in the room. But also the question of the BRICS was not addressed, but it was also the unspoken. Some of the Citigroup bankers were aware of it, and refused to comment. But this is also the question is, of bringing the United States into the BRICS. And also too many Americans still don’t have a conception, really don’t have any idea, and the shutdown of Wall Street has to be combined with this as well.

I mean, Great Britain just decided to join the AIIB. The United States hasn’t, although it’s also not — the so-called nation of Britain joined, but I guarantee you the City of London has not joined. Finishing off this old paradigm and joining the BRICS still needs to be much more clearly understood in this country, and I think we can do that.

LAROUCHE: Yes.

SARE: You know, one other forcing medium should be the threat of thermonuclear war, which the Russians are working very hard to get across to people, that this is an actual, real danger, and as everyone here knows, they just had these snap military exercises this week, where they moved 76,000 troops, 41 ships, 15 submarines, 110 fighter jets and helicopters; and then, they brought in, for a tour of their command center or whatever, the defense attachés of every embassy in Moscow. I mean, this is pretty wild: A very big display, and it apparently was quite impressive, even to our guy at NATO, Ben Hodges, who had a few things to say about it….

OGDEN: “Damn!”

SARE: Yeah!

And I was thinking — I forget if it was Polk or someone else from the Kennedy era, who described exercises, war games, or scenarios that they had been devising during the Cuba Missile Crisis, where somehow in their linearized, statistical models, they concluded that Russia would not respond if you had a “limited strike,” somewhere in the vicinity of Ukraine. He has brought this up recently, as something they were playing with in the ’60s.

I think Russia’s response to that is “You have us all wrong.” And I think it would be wise for Americans to wake up, because it’s not only the potential goodness, the potential development of mankind which we can accept at this moment. But to not accept it actually is not a survivable option.

LAROUCHE: Exactly. And the same problem comes with Russia; the same problem. Because if Obama is successful in his intention, then you have the extinction of the human species implicitly. And we don’t say that, but that’s the fact of the matter. And Nuland of course is the worst example of this process. And she is really a degenerate — I mean, this is a degenerate beyond degenerate — lower than degenerates.

But they tolerate it! They tolerate her. And they’re guilty of tolerating her, and that’s the point: They’re guilty of tolerating her. And that’s the issue, because she is one of the dangers which leads to the potential, of the Nazis inside Ukraine, of triggering a thermonuclear war. And Obama is the person who’s nursing that process. So Obama must be thrown out of office, promptly and soon. And that’s necessary. And of course, this witch has to go totally; burn the witch, shall we say — or witch the burn, or whatever it is.

OGDEN: Along with the Bushes.

LAROUCHE: Yeah, right burn the Bushes, of all types, named and not.

No, we have as an organization, we have a great responsibility, because if we can keep our voice rationally presented and efficiently presented, we’ll win. And you see this thing, what’s happened with Steinmeier and O’Malley business, this is a potentially winning operation! It’s the only potentially winning operation we have, right now, before us. So we better grab for it. And we better grab for it in Manhattan. And our whole Manhattan operation has to focus on that one, and raise that issue! Don’t compromise! Don’t be practical! Don’t give a practical explanation, because people will make practical support motions in order to seem to be, you know, leading, but they are not risking anything intellectually, that’s the problem.

And I worry about some people, who would like to have a successful career. I don’t want a successful career. I want a victorious career! [laughter]

OGDEN: The other point that you made, very strongly in our discussions on Friday, in preparation for the webcast, but also in your memo, was that you have to go at the universals. You can’t just discuss things in pragmatic terms, and you very clearly drew out the principle of constantly increasing productivity, as what makes man different from the animal. And you counterposed that to speculation, usury, gambling. And when you’re talking about Glass-Steagall, or you’re talking about the AIIB, or you’re talking about the BRICS, I think that’s the necessary element that has to be introduced into every discussion on that subject, so that people are clear why is this an option, why is this the right option, and why not taking this option will be an unsurvivable decision.

LAROUCHE: This comes reflected back again, to the Kepler concept. What is required for mankind as a species to continue to exist? Which means that mankind has go to an ever-higher energy-flux density operations, in order for mankind to exist. And therefore, the whole movement for the Green Policy is essentially the basis for the concept of genocide! And that’s the policy of genocide which is applied to working people, ordinary working people. They’re degenerated in terms of what they’re allowed to do. They’re not given the equipment to do what’s necessary to do, to meet the standards, even for their own family existence. And this degeneration, the Green Policy, is the Satanic force which has dominated the 20th century, and since the 20th century.

DENISTON: I mean, to a large degree, that is the water crisis on the West Coast.

LAROUCHE: Yeah! And they all know it.

DENISTON: And NAWAPA [North American Water And Power Agreement] was put on the table, in the ’50s and ’60s. You put it again on the table in the ’80s, and you said, “Won’t You Let Your Grandchildren Have a Drink of Water?” And you asked it to them, and now that those grandchildren are born today, and they don’t! Because they didn’t listen to what you said explicitly! We put it on the table again, you know, five, six years ago. And desalination’s been talked about for decades, Kennedy was talking about desalination on the California coast.

OGDEN: But you need the energy-flux density to make that a viable option.

DENISTON: It’s not like there’s been a lack of options, conceivable, viable options for solving the water crisis in the West. This has been the disease, this Green mentality, this anti-development mentality, that’s blocked what have been perfectly feasible, excellent proposals, that if they were implemented, then we wouldn’t have the crisis today.

LAROUCHE: Yeah, but they say the practical level. And the practical level is what kills people.

DENISTON: Mm-hmm.

BILL ROBERTS: Well, Lyn, this is what, you described, this is the pressure of the planetary force now, that is moving what is behind the BRICS process. Which, I think it’s useful to think of things in those terms, you know, as a planetary process, a pressure that’s coming from a planetary process. What was the choice that Argentina had to make? Are we going to go down, murdering our population, bailing out financial speculation? Or are we going to shift to increases in productivity?

Greece is in the exact same situation, where they have to make that choice, and I think I know which direction they’re going to move in.

But that’s where we can define what a Presidential campaign can be, where the work “campaign” actually becomes something that is waged, and not just simply someone sticking their finger in the wind, to see which way popular opinion is blowing or something like that, but it’s a campaign. And I think, particularly this water issue does still have a very strong — it does force this question. It forces the question of productivity; commitment to productivity on a scientific level.

LAROUCHE: The problem is, exactly, the practical question, and when people start to say “You have to be practical,” they are actually going for genocide against the human population. And therefore, all the Green policies, are genocidal. All Green policies on this planet are intrinsically genocidal. They’re mass-murderous! And it’s the mass-murderous factor, which drives the Green policy, into what it does, which is extermination in the form of nuclear warfare, for example.

That’s what it is: You have get rid of the Green Policy. It’s the Green Policy, which is the moral degeneration, which from the course of the 20th century and now, has been the great threat against humanity. And as long as we allow that to happen, as long as we allow the Green Policy to be — look, ask yourself: “How many steps are Green Policy standards?” And every Green Policy standard is a degeneration.

Now, that doesn’t mean you have to have filth all over the place. You can do some work, something like that, but the problem is, essentially, the popular view, the predominant view of the population today, is genocide, and often it’s self-chosen genocide. And when they are going to take the issues which they use for the Green Policy, and suddenly the Green Policy becomes the necessity of genocide against the whole human species!

OGDEN: Well, so much of geopolitics is premised on the fraudulent claim to “limited resources.” That there’s limited resources, there’s not enough to go around, therefore we have to contain this country, therefore we have to limit this population, you know, you would even have people who were be willing to go to war over resources.

And what’s necessary with the “win-win” policy, what is required to overturn that geopolitics, is to eliminate this fraudulent idea of limited resources. And you need increasing energy-flux density; it requires creativity.

LAROUCHE: That’s right. And therefore, any ban, any suppression of creativity, of that kind of creativity, is a step of genocide. And that has to be made clear!

Are you Green? “Yes, I’m Gree-een!”

OK! Now we can burn you, witch! [laughter] What is your witch choice? [laughter]

ROGERS: And it’s important to note that that’s exactly the opposition that the BRICS, in particular, the AIIB, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, represents: It’s against the preexisting adopted policies, economically, against the IMF policy, against the Green policy, and it represents something more that’s in line with this conception of advancements and increases in the energy-flux density of the population. And I think it’s important, because, I didn’t get the full detail today, but obviously there are people in the United States, who are saying that, yes, the United States should go along with the AIIB because we want to make sure this policy is going to continue to drive forward with the preexisting policies of the IMF policies, the globalization/free trade/WTO policies — which is completely mistaken, because it absolutely rejects all of these things.

And for anybody to think that the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank or what the BRICS represents is going to be a continuation of the current, preexisting system, does not have any idea about the breakthrough, in terms of scientific breakthrough, that this is really presenting, for a total shift and transformation in the society and in the population.

So, I think people have to look at this from the standpoint that we are in a totally new paradigm, represented by what this conception coming from the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and also the BRICS nations in general, represents.

LAROUCHE: Well, you see that most in China. In China, most clearly. Because China is going into Kepler’s area.

ROGERS: Right.

LAROUCHE: And it’s Kepler’s area which defines a sane understanding of the principles of human existence.

OGDEN: Yeah, China’s commitment to helium-3, to mining helium-3 on the Moon as a fuel source for fusion power…

LAROUCHE: Ah! But also going beyond that!

OGDEN: Sure.

LAROUCHE: That’s the point. That’s the Keplerian point.

OGDEN: Yeah, right.

CHRISTIE: This came up at an event, it was an event at a place called “China Club,” which is nominally about people interested in China. And what came up was a — of course, here in Seattle, where the Green problem is probably the most intense anywhere on the planet — was this kind of China-bashing, entirely based on pollution and everything China’s doing wrong with the environment, and it was this sort of underlying theme. And at a certain point, I was just raising with people, “What’re you talking about? They have this program towards fusion…” and then at that point, then you get the other Green problem that would come up, was people would say, “Well, yeah, but that costs too much!” And “We can’t have a space program because that costs too much.” So, I think this goes obviously to just the wrong thinking, of when people are not rooted in a conception of progress, then they get trapped, both into monetarism and environmentalism, and they’re really the same policies, ultimately, because they’re both rooted in anti-progress.

LAROUCHE: Yeah, but these are often written into the laws of different parts of the United States! And in general! And into the international situation.

OGDEN: Well, they’re trying to write it into this —

LAROUCHE: Yeah. And this is the policy for genocide! And when you get to the point that you take everything away from people, on the basis of Green Policy, then you get a real spread genocide, of desperation! And people are willing to kill everybody in order to make room for their own, personal survival, otherwise.

OGDEN: That’s literally where the Obama opposition to the AIIB is coming from. Because they’re saying, this is going to negate the control that the World Bank and the IMF has over limiting development, and the conditionalities that come along with World Bank and IMF loans and credit, is a genocidal conditionality. It’s to limit population growth, to limit nuclear power. And there you have the AIIB, which is going to say, “No, we’re not going to have any of these conditionalities.”

So literally the opposition on the AIIB is coming from that standpoint, and they’re also trying to codify that in this Trans-Pacific Partnership, this TPP thing that they’re pushing for the Pacific.

LAROUCHE: Yeah. Yeah! Well, that’s what they do, the consent — “Oh! We’ll give you this new thing!”

OGDEN: Right!

LAROUCHE: Same thing. We’ve got to make it clear. We’ve got to identify this problem, and make it absolutely clear. The people will be freaked out — but good! Because we’ve got so many people in our own organization who will back down immediately on these issues. The so-called practical people — “Well, that’s not practical.” You say, “Well, maybe you’re not practical!” [laughter]

DENISTON: So the Solar System told them.

LAROUCHE: The Solar System said, “Well, buddy, you are what’s not practical.”

OGDEN: You might be “proctical.”

LAROUCHE: Proctical, or something.

But that’s where we are. And we have to really take this thing on. And we use the Manhattan conception as a way of doing it, by spreading the Manhattan implication. We’ll drive people wild, but that’s good! Because they want to let it go, let it out once. All the things they’ve been submitted to, they would like to let it out against that crap! [laughter]

OGDEN: Yep. Let it rip.

LAROUCHE: Let it rip! And roar! That will work. It’ll work.

OGDEN: Well, I think we have the conference this weekend in Manhattan to look forward to, which I think is going to be the most significant, yet, out of this whole series.

SARE: Yes.

LAROUCHE: I had that in mind. [laughter]

SARE: Yes, and it will be livestreamed for everybody who is not able to get there.

LAROUCHE: I hadt o get here, today, for that reason. We needed to do that. And you have to have an assembly to discuss this whole thing, to make it work.

OGDEN: Agreed.

LAROUCHE: We got the people there, we got the people here. We need more people.

OGDEN: Yes. Well, I think that was an extremely productive discussion. So, thanks everybody for joining us. And please stay tuned to larouchepac.com. And tune in again on Saturday: We will be livestreaming the coverage of the Manhattan conference. Thank you.

LAROUCHE: Oh! how nice!

Join us at 1PM Eastern today for our weekly Policy Committee discussion featuring Lyndon LaRouche, Benjamin Deniston, host Matthew Ogden and the LPAC Policy Committee.

Video of 0WEqHk5LJus

Transcript now available. Join us at 1PM Eastern today for our weekly Policy Committee discussion featuring Lyndon LaRouche, Benjamin Deniston, host Matthew Ogden and the LPAC Policy Committee.

MATTHEW OGDEN: Good afternoon, it’s March 23rd, 2015. My name is Matthew Ogden, and I’d like to welcome everybody to our weekly broadcast with the LaRouche PAC Policy Committee discussion…. I’m joined via video by Bill Roberts, from Detroit, Michigan; Dave Christie, from Seattle, Washington; Kesha Rogers, from Houston, Texas; Michael Steger from San Francisco, California; and Rachel Brinkley from Boston, Massachusetts. And here in the studio, as you can see, we’re very happy to be joined by Lyndon LaRouche, as well as Ben Deniston from the LaRouche PAC Basement Team, and Diane Sare. So, Lyn, I’ll let you begin our discussion.

LYNDON LAROUCHE: Well, the interesting thing, we’re getting all these people pretending that they’re running for President. And we’re going to have to exclude some people, get them out of there, say, “Well, you’ve got a different career. Your appointment is a different place,” something like that, because it’s becoming awful. What’s happening now, is that we do have a candidacy which is very important, and it’s not based on somebody’s pet theory or pet background. You know, Hillary is not capable of being President; it’s obvious. And there are other people who are perfectly good people, but who are not qualified for this position, right now.

Because it requires special, international standards, which dump Obama. And the first thing that some people have to do, is get to dumping Obama. And if we don’t dump Obama, we’re not going to have a United States, so therefore he has to be dumped. And each person who’s on the list of would-be Presidential candidates has got to say, “Look, we’ve got to dump Obama.” And if they all say that, we might achieve something really important. Because then they would honest about themselves, not about their career ambitions.

What’s going on now is O’Malley has actually taken the bit, on the operation now, and he’s the one who’s doing the job. The others are sitting there saying “I’m a Presidential candidate, too!” but where’s the action? Where’s the function, where’s the performance? That’s where we are now.

So it’s a new situation. I think even with the discussion at the table here, we have to take that into account, as something we would work to develop our judgment on.

OGDEN: What O’Malley’s been emphasizing during his campaign trip into Iowa this weekend, is obviously Glass-Steagall. But he’s denouncing the Democratic Party for having become the party of Wall Street, which is Obama, obviously. And he published this op-ed in the Des Moines Register which is the newspaper of record in Iowa, where his concluding point was: We need “to put the nation’s interests before the interests of Wall Street.” (http://martinomalley.com/2015/03/20/prevent-another-crash- reform-wall-street/) And that’s the rallying cry, and it’s exactly what this Policy Committee has been advocating for, all the way back to the Congressional campaigns. So, I think that’s absolutely reflective of the impact that LaRouche Political Action Committee and especially this Policy Committee has had over years.

LAROUCHE: Absolutely. That’s exactly it. We have to, actually now, instead of being just an also-ran, we actually have to be a vehicle which helps to define — we have it, because we have recognized the fact of the two Germans and O’Malley, who have actually set into motion the only thing that could save us from Obama.

So, if Hillary won’t do the job, she’s too compromised; she’s not trustworthy, because she’s too frisky, too flagrant. And others are not really that qualified; they have not done anything to qualify themselves as being suited for that office. O’Malley so far has. He’s met one of the crucial requirements for candidacy. And we don’t have anybody else who has. And that’s the question we ought to pose.

DIANE SARE: I think today is a highly appropriate day to take up matters of the Presidency, since it is the anniversary of Ronald Reagan’s announcement of your policy, the Strategic Defense Initiative, on March 23rd, 1983, which changed the world, and which was, as you’ve been insisting, creating and brought into being something new, that created a new geometry that people had not considered before.

And we have that potential now, with the offer of the Chinese on the table, with what’s happened with the AIIB, which Obama has very peculiar reaction to, highly inappropriate and insane. If he thinks he’s going to stop this, I mean the momentum for global development is absolutely unstoppable at this moment.

So I think this is the realm in which Americans have to actually think, not on a lower level, not football teams, not what they think is popular opinion, but what allows us as a nation, as mankind, to enter into a new paradigm which is just on the cusp of coming into existence.

LAROUCHE: Well, we have to do it on the basis of Manhattan. If we don’t use the Manhattan focal point, it won’t work. You just take the Manhattan choice, — well, he can fill in on that one, nicely. He’s been a mobile character, who can take various locations in the United States and operate with them.

But that’s what he is now. And the fact that you have the two German officials included, and implicitly the effect of that inside Europe otherwise. And this, the question is get rid of the crap inside the Obama administration, and get something going which settles a relationship with Russia. And you could do that with Germany. But the German forces are simply playing games back and forth. France, the same thing: France knows and Germany knows, in terms of the best leaders there, that that’s the case. If they can move — you know, the British are under control for a moment now, not because they’re willing but because they’re opportunist.

But so therefore, we could really very quickly pull a process of developing a global system, and that’s the only way in which we could guarantee there’s not going to be a thermonuclear war.

SARE: Right. And I will say, as I told you earlier, the demonstration we had this past week at Wall Street, where we had our new poster which has the full color photograph of the BRICS head of state, plus Alexander Hamilton adding his hand to the five-way handshake, which caught people’s attention and it was markedly different. We do not typically have Wall Street brokers coming up to us to find out what’s going on with the BRICS process. And they were desperate enough to know, that they were willing to even spend some money to find out what we’re talking about.

And then, you had also, the overwhelming optimism because all these international tourists coming through this area in front of Federal Hall, across from the House of Morgan and the New York Stock Exchange, and then you have George Washington’s statue. And you just get a sense of the real optimism, of this shift going on in the world, and it’s clear that Manhattan is, in a sense, the entry point, the way this can come into the United States, and we can break it open.

LAROUCHE: What we have to do, is take our whole operation in and around New York City, and make that the issue. That New York City has to be the rallying point, for the United States as a whole, to play its proper role, in terms of the trans-Atlantic area and the global area. And we have to make that, not the bystander saying “well, maybe if” or “maybe that,” or so forth. Get rid of it! Just say, look, what’s needed now… And we have a governor in the state, who’s under pressure right now, and that would help his process, which would have a reciprocal effect on the total role of Manhattan itself.

OGDEN: Governor of New York Cuomo?

LAROUCHE: Yeah. We can pull it, we can pull it! So let’s pull it.

SARE: Also, we do have the Schiller Institute conference there this Saturday, as a very important rallying point to pull this thing together….

LAROUCHE: Double it, double it. Double the aspects of the — don’t take one at a time, take a double shot. [laughter]

OGDEN: I think… sorry, go ahead Kesha.

KESHA ROGERS: I was just going to say, I think that the focus of the Presidential elections, and you have these people pretending to run for President right now, what is going to actually determine who is qualified and who is disqualified very quickly is the Manhattan project. Because the Manhattan project puts up from that anybody who is qualified to run for office is going to take on Wall Street directly and demand to drive a stake through the heart of Wall Street, and that they have to be brought down.

And you look at this insanity of all of the Presidential candidates, including Ted Cruz just announcing his candidacy today — I mean, he’s really “cruzin’ for a bruisin'” — and you know he’s not going to take on Wall Street, because he is compromised! He’s compromised by the fact that, one, he has a wife who is a top executive of Goldman Sachs, and he’s not going to do anything to mess up that relationship. So he’s not going to actually touch Wall Street. He’s not going to go for Glass-Steagall and we already know this. And all the people in Texas and other places who thought this guy was going to come and ride in on a white horse to save the day, are fools! They’re highly mistaken.

And I think that what we have set as the example of, the only qualifications that you have that must be put forth, if you’re going to be a legitimate candidate for President, is, you have to break yourself and get out of bed with Wall Street. And he definitely is not the person to do that. And you know there’s several others.

I think the other thing is that, if you look at what Obama has done on the disgusting policy of correlating the civil rights movement and the actions of the civil rights moving to the Maidan in Ukraine, and saying that this is the same policy, and that we should respect this Nazi policy, and the support of Nazis in Ukraine as similar to the fight for civil rights, that’s completely insane! And you have someone like Ted Cruz, who’s sitting there and saying that, well, we need to give more funding, we need to do as Victoria Nuland is saying, and back up the Nazis in Ukraine even further and faster.

OGDEN: Well, even having lethal weapons, that’s what he’s demanding, immediate arming of the Ukraine…

ROGERS: Right. We’re there for that, right. So, I think that the issue is very clear, that right now, as you said Lyn, any Presidential candidate has to come in from the standpoint that we’re in a completely different ball game, than anything that’s ever happened in the history of the United States. And you can’t just have a bunch of fools deciding they want to put their name in the hat.

LAROUCHE: Well, generally the point is, Obama is genocide. That is, Obama actually will create a thermonuclear war; and that’s genocide. So Obama must be thrown out of office and neutralized, as all costs. Because otherwise, if you don’t have a force in the process of being assembled, to throw Obama out of office, the danger is of a thermonuclear war. That’s the danger. And Nuland, of course, is one of the most typical sources of that, but that means the Obama administration. I means the Obama and Bush administration! It means the Bush candidacy, is part of the same thing! So Bush’s candidacy must be thrown out!

If the Democrats, if the Republicans want to support that, they should be thrown out. Because if they want to be honest, they have to recognize what the truth is, not who’s their cheering leader or something.

But this is crucial: We’ve got to actually have a role of the United States, which goes through a process which is centralized, essentially in Manhattan and that vicinity, and we have to see some action there which begins to eliminate — you know, Hillary, for example, Hillary is not a viable candidate. She’s made too many mistakes, she is compromised, people don’t know where she stands, and so forth. So therefore, unfortunately, she’s a talented person, and a qualified person, but when it comes to politics, she’s really a terrible amateur in terms of effect.

So what we need is a process of getting a teamwork, which obviously we have one available right now; O’Malley is a qualified Presidential candidate. He’s probably the most qualified Presidential candidate on the list right now. And the others are amateurs, they’re just sitting on the sidewalk, sitting on top of — you know, something on the street side, but they’re not active. They’re not doing anything which is going to solve the problem: They’re saying give me your support for my election, and I will support you in return. That is a very lousy way of making a Presidential selection! And that’s it.

And Hillary is typical of the folly of the candidacies that have been running round for the past two terms of office, especially for the second one, the Obama term.

DAVE CHRISTIE: Lyn, I think that goes to the core of this whole popular opinion especially around this Presidency, because a lot of people might say, well, O’Malley, he’s not popular enough, he’s not this, that and other thing. He doesn’t have the big backing, therefore why would you support him? And I think obviously, the point you’re making on this is, he represents the only thing or is discussing the only thing that is of any relevancy.

And I was just reflecting on it, because I think this somewhat goes to what you did on your statement on concerning O’Malley, Steinmeier, and Schmidt, which actually goes to the heart of, I also think, a process of discovery in general, and I’d just be curious if you have something to say on this. But the point is, I bet, if you brought all of those three people together — O’Malley, Steinmeier and Schmidt — and confronted them with what you had said in terms of what they had done to shift the global strategic situation, probably all three of them may have said, “Well what d’you mean? I was just doing this,” and separately, “I was doing this.” But what you did is you brought that all together from the standpoint of where humanity needs to go; not what’s popular, but where does humanity need to go, and then you defined what the significance of what they were doing from that standpoint.

And to me, it seems that this is somewhat, in terms of a scientific discovery process, that’s often determined by where humanity needs to go, and you define your insight — the insights based on that, of where humanity needs to go. Maybe I’m not expressing that exactly clearly: But it just strikes me that what you did with this O’Malley, Steinmeier, Schmidt statement, was, consolidated something and drew a certain focal point from the standpoint of where humanity needed to go, not what was necessarily some popular opinion or something.

LAROUCHE: No, that was already decided. What happened was that before O’Malley made his public statement, he had acceded to an opinion expressed by a friend of ours. And therefore, O’Malley himself adopted the policy, on the basis of my recommendation. And therefore, I’m going to back this one up, because it’s the only chance for the United States government right now.

OGDEN: I think that speaks directly to the point that Diane was making: As we look back to Ronald Reagan, shocking the world by adopting the Strategic Defense Initiative, March 23rd, 1983, what was contained in that was the direct influence that you had, Lyn, on shaping the policy of the President of the United States. And you’ve made a long career out of shaping the Presidency. And that’s what we’re engaged in right now; that’s what the Glass-Steagall thing…

LAROUCHE: I got involved in that, on the basis of the Kennedy brothers, particularly when two of them got assassinated. And I saw from that point on, in the beginning of the 1970s, that this was the only thing that was being presented that made any sense. And that’s how I got involved with him, in this thing.

OGDEN: Mm-hmm. And the Presidential team, before he even — while he was running for President, his close team of advisors had approached you…

LAROUCHE: Yeah, well, they approached me in ’77. And so they sort of coached me along and then decided, “OK, you passed muster, you are what we need,” and so therefore, I did the SDI. I designed the SDI policy. And the SDI policy was the necessary policy at that time. And every problem we have internationally is the crushing of that policy. We had it in our hands; we had the answer. And it was done by the British and a new Russian appointee, who screwed everything up.

But we had the thing, we had an agreement of the Soviet Union, through me and through other people who also were happy about this thing, in order to create a new relationship among nations in the trans-Atlantic community. And that’s what we were working for! And we had everything, including all the economic methods and so forth that were required to get this thing working.

And suddenly this thing came down, boom!, because when a new Soviet figure was put into place [Yuri Andropov], then everything was sabotaged and then all the screwballs and whores went the other way.

OGDEN: [laughs] Right.

LAROUCHE: And that’s the kind of situation, the less we have to operate on now: We’ve had the options; we had the Kennedy’s, both of them. Both of them were killed, one after being elected, one before being elected. And that’s typical. And this goes back to the FBI problem: The FBI was the actual instrument, which was used in order to — for Truman, and that was the instrument that was used to destroy the United States, the Franklin Roosevelt United States. And I’m back for the Franklin Roosevelt United States.

BENJAMIN DENISTON: Well, I think this all goes to something that you were discussing with some people yesterday, which is that what’s needed right now is, for the United States to do something that most people don’t even have a conception of, which I think all of this just really underscores your emphatic emphasis on that: That we can’t look to the past at this point, especially the past two Presidencies. But as you were discussing, the past decades, we’ve had fights, wins, losses; but what’s needed right now, you were saying, is that we need to come forward with a conception which doesn’t exist, in the minds of the vast majority of the population today, and we can never fall victim to looking for things that people will agree with. Because people will agree with things that are in their preconceived notions. But in their preconceived notions, the reality of what’s needed for the country doesn’t exist.

LAROUCHE: There’s a very problematic feature in this whole process: The stupidity of the American people in particular, but the Europeans generally as well, is they believe in what they call the “economic system.” They believe that money, or the money system is a determinant of what productivity will be, and can be, and this is where the problem arises. When in point of fact, the problem is that mankind believes that human economic success is the basis for human success; that’s implicitly what the argument is.

Whereas, we know that the progress of mankind, the distinction of mankind from an animal — and that’s what we’re talking about — most human beings that I know of, today, believe in animal behavior, not human behavior. That’s why we like dogs, for example.

OGDEN: At least they aspire to be human! [laughter]

LAROUCHE: Yeah, exactly! So, but the point is that mankind is the only creature, which does create, voluntarily, create an influence on the processes of nature, which overwhelm nature, so-called ‘nature,’ itself. That’s the fact. And the people who are practical, so-called practical people, are intrinsically stupid on this question, because they don’t recognize that mankind is not an animal! They all assume that animal behavior, as defined by money or something like that, is the determining factor. And the fact is, that as Kepler implicitly defines in his writing, is that there is a principle of organization, in the Solar System, which demands and makes possible, mankind’s advancement to higher levels of existence within the Solar System as such. No other living species we know of, has that potential.

And therefore, we need people who can see through to the future, not looking — people who are not practical. Practical people are stupid people, because they limit themselves to an assumption about human behavior which is an animal characteristic. And that’s what the problem is. And you have, in the history of mankind, you have long histories where mankind has endeavored, to achieve human qualities! And what’s happened is the human qualities have been suppressed, and that’s what the problem is. And therefore, we have to get the human quality back into function, and then we can solve the problem.

But I get in these discussions, we have even in our own organization, where they fall into the prey, of assuming the practical things are things that are human. And I say, well you’re not really totally human if you’re practical.

OGDEN: You said at the end of your statement, the one “On the Subject of Germany’s Role” [https://larouchepac.com/20150316/subject-germanys-role] that you wrote last weekend, you said the only things worth accomplishing are the things that are considered impossible. If you create the possibility of actualizing the “seemingly impossible,” then you’ve done something which is creative.

LAROUCHE: That’s what you’re seeing implicitly, at least, reflected in what China’s policy has become. And China’s policy which has spread, as an influence, to many nations is now waiting to gobble up and take over the trans-Atlantic region.

DENISTON: Right. You see the reflection of people being stuck in the old paradigm in their response to this, still. I was just struck looking at some of the headlines, in response to these European nations joining the AIIB. Now, what’s China’s policy? They’re saying this is a “win-win” policy. The vice foreign minister just said, this is not a geostrategic game; this is not took for geopolitics, the way the game’s been played in the past. This is part of a “”win-win” in which all participants can progress, because this is how humanity progresses. But then the headlines are still, geostrategic headlines: “Europeans Banking on China Winning against the U.S.” — you know; “U.S. Allies Backing Down To China Guiding the New World Order.” And you just see even the way it’s being discussed is still stuck in this old paradigm.

OGDEN: I think that was the same thing as the misconception of the SDI. What did people say, what was the fraudulent line against the SDI? That this was just a new arms race. Whereas, in fact, this was a “win-win” policy! This was the only way you could ensure mutual survival.

And this China initiative is of that magnitude: It’s a completely new paradigm. So the option exists, the question is, will there be sufficient people who will take that option?

LAROUCHE: The point is, you have the fact that there was an assassination attempt on a President of the United States, and the attack on Reagan, was actually the turning down, of the greatest opportunity that the United States had ever had.

And he capitulated. He didn’t capitulate, in a way, he was forced to capitulate, and the Bush family came in!

OGDEN: Right. He had a Bush on the inside.

LAROUCHE: And that’s what this is, and therefore, we have lost our legacy, and we have to get it back. And that’s what we have to do now. And we cannot accept, therefore, any Presidential candidate who does not meet that qualification of commitment. And we have to say so, publicly. That O’Malley especially has expressed in action, at least, a qualification for becoming a President, an actual President.

DENISTON: And the only one who’s done so, so far.

LAROUCHE: And the only one who’s done so, so far. We would welcome more, and I’m sure O’Malley himself would welcome more of his same breed. And that’s the way we should put it. Because this would be a shocking statement for us to utter out publicly, but the kind of shocking statement which is needed for the occasion. And sending our people into Manhattan, which is what we’re doing more and more, now, in terms of our influence, is exactly consistent with that. And we have to take the two things and say, the Manhattan question, the original Manhattan principle, and that is the principle, “Well, that’s the same thing as what we call the Manhattan principle.” [laughter] And that that’s what the policy has to be, and we have to tell the world that that’s what the policy has to be. We have to tell the world, that that’s the policy. And we can do it!

OGDEN: Yeah, Manhattan’s the perfect forum to do that.

LAROUCHE: Isn’t it? It’s because you have so many branches of humanity in Manhattan, the Manhattan area, which will respond to this — “Hey! Hey!” [laughter]

DENISTON: “That sounds good!”

LAROUCHE: Even the doggies will come in there, if they’re allowed on the streets.

SARE: They are!

MICHAEL STEGER: Well, you really do see a surge. Lyn, your Presidential campaigns were always a critical factor in addressing the crisis during those periods of time. And obviously, the intervention you made around the Manhattan project last October was critical to shaping this whole process.

One of the things that came up in discussions, — you’ve been hitting this “practical” question: I mean, the practical notion that people have adopted, it fundamentally denies a sense of human immortality. It denies the idea that there is an ability that the contributions one makes in their life, to actually live on beyond them; it really is just a few of the basic, fundamental decisions and commitments one makes towards human progress that determines that potential and the gravity of that immortality, the significance of it, versus all these petty, time-distracting wastes of time, things people get caught up in on a daily basis, when it comes down to a few fundamental decisions and commitments that really determine the significance of our life. And you give up your own soul by becoming practical. And to me that just struck the conception of what’s really lacking in American culture and American politics today.

LAROUCHE: That’s the water question, the American water question: How do we maintain the water supply, necessary for the population of the United States? Now, what’s happened is, we’ve had a decline in the water supply in the United States, efficiently. And we have now reduced the potential, to the point that we are going to reduce the population of the United States! And we’re going to worsen the impoverishment of the members of the United States. Therefore, we have a national mission, which is not a national mission, but it’s an international mission, in which we take a leading part in encouraging other nations to join with us, to take these steps which will enable mankind to do things which we’ve never done.

And what China is doing now, with the Moon project, and the extension of the Moon program is in that direction: That’s the Kepler direction. And we must document this, publicly, in such a way that we spread this information, not as casual asides to friends, but we have to make it a formal statement of policy. We say, the other policy was wrong, because it neglected this crucial issue. How do you provide for families, families of Americans for example, in this territory, for example, and how do we improve the conditions of human life, in the United States, for example, how do we do that?

So therefore, we have to bring about a change in the characteristic, the physical characteristics of the organization of the population of the United States. And then we say, “Oh, yes, other parts of the world have the same kinds of problem, in a different form.” Then we get a unity, which is what is implicit in what China has done. Because China has actually made possible a whole “win-win” conception. And we want to join the “win-win” policy idea, and take the elements which are now committed to doing that, and attracting those who should be committed to it.

OGDEN: Right.

LAROUCHE: And we at this table have to do that.

STEGER: I was going to say that California and the Western states won’t survive, if we don’t join China and the BRICS before the year is over. And that has to be the commitment, otherwise these Western states won’t survive: They’ve got a year or less of water left.

LAROUCHE: Good! Excellent, excellent!

RACHEL BRINKLEY: We were at an event yesterday with four mayors, and it was presided over by the head of the Boston Fed, and it was a sort of interesting discussion; there were many of the mayors from Seattle, from Baltimore, Boston were acknowledging some of the fundamental crises, and they used that word — they said “it’s a crisis, what’s happening to parts of our population is horrible”; they went through some of the statistics of the poverty and whatnot. And two of them attacked the Federal government — said, we don’t have a competent Federal policy, and that’s not OK. We should fight about this.

So that was interesting. I mean, you could see a glimmer of something, where they wanted to oppose this. They wanted to, as you were saying, “create a future.” But it was limited: For one, the event was sponsored by Citigroup, and there was no attack on Wall Street. There was an attack on the inequalities, but not on Wall Street, and it really is fundamental, this question of incompetence and stupidity, that you’re bringing up. We really do have destroy this belief in Wall Street, that really is still there in too many Americans.

So one of our organizers brought up the Glass-Steagall and O’Malley, and it was a certain bombshell that was dropped. The mayor said, “Yes, we’re in discussion of that,” but it was sheepish, given all the bankers that were in the room. But also the question of the BRICS was not addressed, but it was also the unspoken. Some of the Citigroup bankers were aware of it, and refused to comment. But this is also the question is, of bringing the United States into the BRICS. And also too many Americans still don’t have a conception, really don’t have any idea, and the shutdown of Wall Street has to be combined with this as well.

I mean, Great Britain just decided to join the AIIB. The United States hasn’t, although it’s also not — the so-called nation of Britain joined, but I guarantee you the City of London has not joined. Finishing off this old paradigm and joining the BRICS still needs to be much more clearly understood in this country, and I think we can do that.

LAROUCHE: Yes.

SARE: You know, one other forcing medium should be the threat of thermonuclear war, which the Russians are working very hard to get across to people, that this is an actual, real danger, and as everyone here knows, they just had these snap military exercises this week, where they moved 76,000 troops, 41 ships, 15 submarines, 110 fighter jets and helicopters; and then, they brought in, for a tour of their command center or whatever, the defense attachés of every embassy in Moscow. I mean, this is pretty wild: A very big display, and it apparently was quite impressive, even to our guy at NATO, Ben Hodges, who had a few things to say about it….

OGDEN: “Damn!”

SARE: Yeah!

And I was thinking — I forget if it was Polk or someone else from the Kennedy era, who described exercises, war games, or scenarios that they had been devising during the Cuba Missile Crisis, where somehow in their linearized, statistical models, they concluded that Russia would not respond if you had a “limited strike,” somewhere in the vicinity of Ukraine. He has brought this up recently, as something they were playing with in the ’60s.

I think Russia’s response to that is “You have us all wrong.” And I think it would be wise for Americans to wake up, because it’s not only the potential goodness, the potential development of mankind which we can accept at this moment. But to not accept it actually is not a survivable option.

LAROUCHE: Exactly. And the same problem comes with Russia; the same problem. Because if Obama is successful in his intention, then you have the extinction of the human species implicitly. And we don’t say that, but that’s the fact of the matter. And Nuland of course is the worst example of this process. And she is really a degenerate — I mean, this is a degenerate beyond degenerate — lower than degenerates.

But they tolerate it! They tolerate her. And they’re guilty of tolerating her, and that’s the point: They’re guilty of tolerating her. And that’s the issue, because she is one of the dangers which leads to the potential, of the Nazis inside Ukraine, of triggering a thermonuclear war. And Obama is the person who’s nursing that process. So Obama must be thrown out of office, promptly and soon. And that’s necessary. And of course, this witch has to go totally; burn the witch, shall we say — or witch the burn, or whatever it is.

OGDEN: Along with the Bushes.

LAROUCHE: Yeah, right burn the Bushes, of all types, named and not.

No, we have as an organization, we have a great responsibility, because if we can keep our voice rationally presented and efficiently presented, we’ll win. And you see this thing, what’s happened with Steinmeier and O’Malley business, this is a potentially winning operation! It’s the only potentially winning operation we have, right now, before us. So we better grab for it. And we better grab for it in Manhattan. And our whole Manhattan operation has to focus on that one, and raise that issue! Don’t compromise! Don’t be practical! Don’t give a practical explanation, because people will make practical support motions in order to seem to be, you know, leading, but they are not risking anything intellectually, that’s the problem.

And I worry about some people, who would like to have a successful career. I don’t want a successful career. I want a victorious career! [laughter]

OGDEN: The other point that you made, very strongly in our discussions on Friday, in preparation for the webcast, but also in your memo, was that you have to go at the universals. You can’t just discuss things in pragmatic terms, and you very clearly drew out the principle of constantly increasing productivity, as what makes man different from the animal. And you counterposed that to speculation, usury, gambling. And when you’re talking about Glass-Steagall, or you’re talking about the AIIB, or you’re talking about the BRICS, I think that’s the necessary element that has to be introduced into every discussion on that subject, so that people are clear why is this an option, why is this the right option, and why not taking this option will be an unsurvivable decision.

LAROUCHE: This comes reflected back again, to the Kepler concept. What is required for mankind as a species to continue to exist? Which means that mankind has go to an ever-higher energy-flux density operations, in order for mankind to exist. And therefore, the whole movement for the Green Policy is essentially the basis for the concept of genocide! And that’s the policy of genocide which is applied to working people, ordinary working people. They’re degenerated in terms of what they’re allowed to do. They’re not given the equipment to do what’s necessary to do, to meet the standards, even for their own family existence. And this degeneration, the Green Policy, is the Satanic force which has dominated the 20th century, and since the 20th century.

DENISTON: I mean, to a large degree, that is the water crisis on the West Coast.

LAROUCHE: Yeah! And they all know it.

DENISTON: And NAWAPA [North American Water And Power Agreement] was put on the table, in the ’50s and ’60s. You put it again on the table in the ’80s, and you said, “Won’t You Let Your Grandchildren Have a Drink of Water?” And you asked it to them, and now that those grandchildren are born today, and they don’t! Because they didn’t listen to what you said explicitly! We put it on the table again, you know, five, six years ago. And desalination’s been talked about for decades, Kennedy was talking about desalination on the California coast.

OGDEN: But you need the energy-flux density to make that a viable option.

DENISTON: It’s not like there’s been a lack of options, conceivable, viable options for solving the water crisis in the West. This has been the disease, this Green mentality, this anti-development mentality, that’s blocked what have been perfectly feasible, excellent proposals, that if they were implemented, then we wouldn’t have the crisis today.

LAROUCHE: Yeah, but they say the practical level. And the practical level is what kills people.

DENISTON: Mm-hmm.

BILL ROBERTS: Well, Lyn, this is what, you described, this is the pressure of the planetary force now, that is moving what is behind the BRICS process. Which, I think it’s useful to think of things in those terms, you know, as a planetary process, a pressure that’s coming from a planetary process. What was the choice that Argentina had to make? Are we going to go down, murdering our population, bailing out financial speculation? Or are we going to shift to increases in productivity?

Greece is in the exact same situation, where they have to make that choice, and I think I know which direction they’re going to move in.

But that’s where we can define what a Presidential campaign can be, where the work “campaign” actually becomes something that is waged, and not just simply someone sticking their finger in the wind, to see which way popular opinion is blowing or something like that, but it’s a campaign. And I think, particularly this water issue does still have a very strong — it does force this question. It forces the question of productivity; commitment to productivity on a scientific level.

LAROUCHE: The problem is, exactly, the practical question, and when people start to say “You have to be practical,” they are actually going for genocide against the human population. And therefore, all the Green policies, are genocidal. All Green policies on this planet are intrinsically genocidal. They’re mass-murderous! And it’s the mass-murderous factor, which drives the Green policy, into what it does, which is extermination in the form of nuclear warfare, for example.

That’s what it is: You have get rid of the Green Policy. It’s the Green Policy, which is the moral degeneration, which from the course of the 20th century and now, has been the great threat against humanity. And as long as we allow that to happen, as long as we allow the Green Policy to be — look, ask yourself: “How many steps are Green Policy standards?” And every Green Policy standard is a degeneration.

Now, that doesn’t mean you have to have filth all over the place. You can do some work, something like that, but the problem is, essentially, the popular view, the predominant view of the population today, is genocide, and often it’s self-chosen genocide. And when they are going to take the issues which they use for the Green Policy, and suddenly the Green Policy becomes the necessity of genocide against the whole human species!

OGDEN: Well, so much of geopolitics is premised on the fraudulent claim to “limited resources.” That there’s limited resources, there’s not enough to go around, therefore we have to contain this country, therefore we have to limit this population, you know, you would even have people who were be willing to go to war over resources.

And what’s necessary with the “win-win” policy, what is required to overturn that geopolitics, is to eliminate this fraudulent idea of limited resources. And you need increasing energy-flux density; it requires creativity.

LAROUCHE: That’s right. And therefore, any ban, any suppression of creativity, of that kind of creativity, is a step of genocide. And that has to be made clear!

Are you Green? “Yes, I’m Gree-een!”

OK! Now we can burn you, witch! [laughter] What is your witch choice? [laughter]

ROGERS: And it’s important to note that that’s exactly the opposition that the BRICS, in particular, the AIIB, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, represents: It’s against the preexisting adopted policies, economically, against the IMF policy, against the Green policy, and it represents something more that’s in line with this conception of advancements and increases in the energy-flux density of the population. And I think it’s important, because, I didn’t get the full detail today, but obviously there are people in the United States, who are saying that, yes, the United States should go along with the AIIB because we want to make sure this policy is going to continue to drive forward with the preexisting policies of the IMF policies, the globalization/free trade/WTO policies — which is completely mistaken, because it absolutely rejects all of these things.

And for anybody to think that the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank or what the BRICS represents is going to be a continuation of the current, preexisting system, does not have any idea about the breakthrough, in terms of scientific breakthrough, that this is really presenting, for a total shift and transformation in the society and in the population.

So, I think people have to look at this from the standpoint that we are in a totally new paradigm, represented by what this conception coming from the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and also the BRICS nations in general, represents.

LAROUCHE: Well, you see that most in China. In China, most clearly. Because China is going into Kepler’s area.

ROGERS: Right.

LAROUCHE: And it’s Kepler’s area which defines a sane understanding of the principles of human existence.

OGDEN: Yeah, China’s commitment to helium-3, to mining helium-3 on the Moon as a fuel source for fusion power…

LAROUCHE: Ah! But also going beyond that!

OGDEN: Sure.

LAROUCHE: That’s the point. That’s the Keplerian point.

OGDEN: Yeah, right.

CHRISTIE: This came up at an event, it was an event at a place called “China Club,” which is nominally about people interested in China. And what came up was a — of course, here in Seattle, where the Green problem is probably the most intense anywhere on the planet — was this kind of China-bashing, entirely based on pollution and everything China’s doing wrong with the environment, and it was this sort of underlying theme. And at a certain point, I was just raising with people, “What’re you talking about? They have this program towards fusion…” and then at that point, then you get the other Green problem that would come up, was people would say, “Well, yeah, but that costs too much!” And “We can’t have a space program because that costs too much.” So, I think this goes obviously to just the wrong thinking, of when people are not rooted in a conception of progress, then they get trapped, both into monetarism and environmentalism, and they’re really the same policies, ultimately, because they’re both rooted in anti-progress.

LAROUCHE: Yeah, but these are often written into the laws of different parts of the United States! And in general! And into the international situation.

OGDEN: Well, they’re trying to write it into this —

LAROUCHE: Yeah. And this is the policy for genocide! And when you get to the point that you take everything away from people, on the basis of Green Policy, then you get a real spread genocide, of desperation! And people are willing to kill everybody in order to make room for their own, personal survival, otherwise.

OGDEN: That’s literally where the Obama opposition to the AIIB is coming from. Because they’re saying, this is going to negate the control that the World Bank and the IMF has over limiting development, and the conditionalities that come along with World Bank and IMF loans and credit, is a genocidal conditionality. It’s to limit population growth, to limit nuclear power. And there you have the AIIB, which is going to say, “No, we’re not going to have any of these conditionalities.”

So literally the opposition on the AIIB is coming from that standpoint, and they’re also trying to codify that in this Trans-Pacific Partnership, this TPP thing that they’re pushing for the Pacific.

LAROUCHE: Yeah. Yeah! Well, that’s what they do, the consent — “Oh! We’ll give you this new thing!”

OGDEN: Right!

LAROUCHE: Same thing. We’ve got to make it clear. We’ve got to identify this problem, and make it absolutely clear. The people will be freaked out — but good! Because we’ve got so many people in our own organization who will back down immediately on these issues. The so-called practical people — “Well, that’s not practical.” You say, “Well, maybe you’re not practical!” [laughter]

DENISTON: So the Solar System told them.

LAROUCHE: The Solar System said, “Well, buddy, you are what’s not practical.”

OGDEN: You might be “proctical.”

LAROUCHE: Proctical, or something.

But that’s where we are. And we have to really take this thing on. And we use the Manhattan conception as a way of doing it, by spreading the Manhattan implication. We’ll drive people wild, but that’s good! Because they want to let it go, let it out once. All the things they’ve been submitted to, they would like to let it out against that crap! [laughter]

OGDEN: Yep. Let it rip.

LAROUCHE: Let it rip! And roar! That will work. It’ll work.

OGDEN: Well, I think we have the conference this weekend in Manhattan to look forward to, which I think is going to be the most significant, yet, out of this whole series.

SARE: Yes.

LAROUCHE: I had that in mind. [laughter]

SARE: Yes, and it will be livestreamed for everybody who is not able to get there.

LAROUCHE: I hadt o get here, today, for that reason. We needed to do that. And you have to have an assembly to discuss this whole thing, to make it work.

OGDEN: Agreed.

LAROUCHE: We got the people there, we got the people here. We need more people.

OGDEN: Yes. Well, I think that was an extremely productive discussion. So, thanks everybody for joining us. And please stay tuned to larouchepac.com. And tune in again on Saturday: We will be livestreaming the coverage of the Manhattan conference. Thank you.

LAROUCHE: Oh! how nice!

Join us at 1PM Eastern today for our weekly Policy Committee discussion featuring Lyndon LaRouche, Benjamin Deniston, host Matthew Ogden and the LPAC Policy Committee.

Petro Poroshenko, who should properly be characterized as the President of the “breakaway republic of Kiev,” used a Saturday television interview to again demand the reintegration of the southeastern regions of Luhansk and Donetsk, without satisfying any of the conditions agreed upon at the Minsk discussions. “In diplomatic terminology, this is called reintegration—the return of territory to the sovereign authority in Ukraine. This is an inevitability,” he stated.

Poroshenko’s comments elicited a sharp response from Vladislav Deynego, the Deputy Chairman of the Luhansk People’s Republic’s People’s Council, who said: “Kiev cannot even admit that the whole Donbass in unison, represented by two people’s republics, has risen against the tyranny of pro-fascist followers of [stepan] Bandera, as they seized power in Ukraine.” He added that “Ukraine has a chance to renew itself, to cleanse itself of fascist minions and pro-fascist politicians, and to return to the democratic path of development. Only in this case can we talk about reunification, reintegration.”

Lyndon LaRouche today heartily concurred with this call for purging the Nazis in Kiev as a the required pre-condition for serious negotiations, a point which LaRouche himself has repeatedly made. He added today that the Nazis should be purged, along with their godmother, Mistress Victoria Nuland, who played an instrumental role in the Obama administration’s illegal action to put them in power in the first place.

Petro Poroshenko, who should properly be characterized as the President of the “breakaway republic of Kiev,” used a Saturday television interview to again demand the reintegration of the southeastern regions of Luhansk and Donetsk, without satisfying any of the conditions agreed upon at the Minsk discussions. “In diplomatic terminology, this is called reintegration—the return of territory to the sovereign authority in Ukraine. This is an inevitability,” he stated.

Poroshenko’s comments elicited a sharp response from Vladislav Deynego, the Deputy Chairman of the Luhansk People’s Republic’s People’s Council, who said: “Kiev cannot even admit that the whole Donbass in unison, represented by two people’s republics, has risen against the tyranny of pro-fascist followers of [stepan] Bandera, as they seized power in Ukraine.” He added that “Ukraine has a chance to renew itself, to cleanse itself of fascist minions and pro-fascist politicians, and to return to the democratic path of development. Only in this case can we talk about reunification, reintegration.”

Lyndon LaRouche today heartily concurred with this call for purging the Nazis in Kiev as a the required pre-condition for serious negotiations, a point which LaRouche himself has repeatedly made. He added today that the Nazis should be purged, along with their godmother, Mistress Victoria Nuland, who played an instrumental role in the Obama administration’s illegal action to put them in power in the first place.

“Crimea—the Way Home” is the name of a documentary aired by Rossiya 1 new channel on Sunday, featuring Russian President Vladimir Putin. Russia Today provides a running account of the film, with substantial quotes, which we include below:

“The trick of the situation was that outwardly the [ukrainian] opposition was supported mostly by the Europeans. But we knew for sure that the real masterminds were our American friends,” Putin says in the film.

“They helped train the nationalists, their armed groups, in Western Ukraine, in Poland, and to some extent in Lithuania,” he added. “They facilitated the armed coup.”

“The law was thrown away and crashed. And the consequences were grave indeed. Part of the country agreed to it, while another part wouldn’t accept it. The country was shattered.”

Putin charged that there was a plan to assassinate elected president Yanukovych, whom Russia was determined to defend.

“I invited the heads of our special services, the Defense Ministry, and ordered them to protect the life of the Ukrainian president. Otherwise he would have been killed.”

Yanukovych first fled to Crimea, but asked to be taken to Russia because “there was no one he could negotiate with in Kiev.”

At that point, Putin says, he personally ordered preparation for a special operation in Crimea, arguing that “we cannot let the [crimean] people be pushed under the steamroller of the nationalists.”

“I [gave them] their tasks, told them what to do and how we must do it, and stressed that we would only do it if we were absolutely sure that this is what the people living in Crimea want us to do.” [An emergency poll was then taken indicating that at least 75% of the people wanted to join Russia.]

“Our goal was not to take Crimea by annexing it. Our final goal was to allow the people to express their wishes on how they want to live.”

“I decided for myself: what the people want will happen. If they want greater autonomy with some extra rights within Ukraine, so be it. If they decided otherwise, we cannot fail them. You know the results of the referendum. We did what we had to do.”

The operation included deploying K-300P Bastion coastal defense missiles to show Russia would protect the peninsula from attack.

“We deployed them in a way that made them visible clearly from space,” Putin said. He then added, according to Russia Today, that “the Russian military were prepared for any developments and would have armed nuclear weapons if necessary.”

Putin said he wasn’t sure if the West would use military force against Russia. He deployed special forces, but not more than the 20,000 authorized for the peninsula. This ensured that the referendum could be freely held. The subsequent result is well known.

“Crimea—the Way Home” is the name of a documentary aired by Rossiya 1 new channel on Sunday, featuring Russian President Vladimir Putin. Russia Today provides a running account of the film, with substantial quotes, which we include below:

“The trick of the situation was that outwardly the [ukrainian] opposition was supported mostly by the Europeans. But we knew for sure that the real masterminds were our American friends,” Putin says in the film.

“They helped train the nationalists, their armed groups, in Western Ukraine, in Poland, and to some extent in Lithuania,” he added. “They facilitated the armed coup.”

“The law was thrown away and crashed. And the consequences were grave indeed. Part of the country agreed to it, while another part wouldn’t accept it. The country was shattered.”

Putin charged that there was a plan to assassinate elected president Yanukovych, whom Russia was determined to defend.

“I invited the heads of our special services, the Defense Ministry, and ordered them to protect the life of the Ukrainian president. Otherwise he would have been killed.”

Yanukovych first fled to Crimea, but asked to be taken to Russia because “there was no one he could negotiate with in Kiev.”

At that point, Putin says, he personally ordered preparation for a special operation in Crimea, arguing that “we cannot let the [crimean] people be pushed under the steamroller of the nationalists.”

“I [gave them] their tasks, told them what to do and how we must do it, and stressed that we would only do it if we were absolutely sure that this is what the people living in Crimea want us to do.” [An emergency poll was then taken indicating that at least 75% of the people wanted to join Russia.]

“Our goal was not to take Crimea by annexing it. Our final goal was to allow the people to express their wishes on how they want to live.”

“I decided for myself: what the people want will happen. If they want greater autonomy with some extra rights within Ukraine, so be it. If they decided otherwise, we cannot fail them. You know the results of the referendum. We did what we had to do.”

The operation included deploying K-300P Bastion coastal defense missiles to show Russia would protect the peninsula from attack.

“We deployed them in a way that made them visible clearly from space,” Putin said. He then added, according to Russia Today, that “the Russian military were prepared for any developments and would have armed nuclear weapons if necessary.”

Putin said he wasn’t sure if the West would use military force against Russia. He deployed special forces, but not more than the 20,000 authorized for the peninsula. This ensured that the referendum could be freely held. The subsequent result is well known.

“Crimea—the Way Home” is the name of a documentary aired by Rossiya 1 new channel on Sunday, featuring Russian President Vladimir Putin. Russia Today provides a running account of the film, with substantial quotes, which we include below:

“The trick of the situation was that outwardly the [ukrainian] opposition was supported mostly by the Europeans. But we knew for sure that the real masterminds were our American friends,” Putin says in the film.

“They helped train the nationalists, their armed groups, in Western Ukraine, in Poland, and to some extent in Lithuania,” he added. “They facilitated the armed coup.”

“The law was thrown away and crashed. And the consequences were grave indeed. Part of the country agreed to it, while another part wouldn’t accept it. The country was shattered.”

Putin charged that there was a plan to assassinate elected president Yanukovych, whom Russia was determined to defend.

“I invited the heads of our special services, the Defense Ministry, and ordered them to protect the life of the Ukrainian president. Otherwise he would have been killed.”

Yanukovych first fled to Crimea, but asked to be taken to Russia because “there was no one he could negotiate with in Kiev.”

At that point, Putin says, he personally ordered preparation for a special operation in Crimea, arguing that “we cannot let the [crimean] people be pushed under the steamroller of the nationalists.”

“I [gave them] their tasks, told them what to do and how we must do it, and stressed that we would only do it if we were absolutely sure that this is what the people living in Crimea want us to do.” [An emergency poll was then taken indicating that at least 75% of the people wanted to join Russia.]

“Our goal was not to take Crimea by annexing it. Our final goal was to allow the people to express their wishes on how they want to live.”

“I decided for myself: what the people want will happen. If they want greater autonomy with some extra rights within Ukraine, so be it. If they decided otherwise, we cannot fail them. You know the results of the referendum. We did what we had to do.”

The operation included deploying K-300P Bastion coastal defense missiles to show Russia would protect the peninsula from attack.

“We deployed them in a way that made them visible clearly from space,” Putin said. He then added, according to Russia Today, that “the Russian military were prepared for any developments and would have armed nuclear weapons if necessary.”

Putin said he wasn’t sure if the West would use military force against Russia. He deployed special forces, but not more than the 20,000 authorized for the peninsula. This ensured that the referendum could be freely held. The subsequent result is well known.